Disculpas, este artículo está sólo en inglés

(Article and photos by Jonathan Treat, March 18, 2012)

“One thing is clear: this was a political hit. Bernardo was murdered because he dared to speak out.” (Dawn Paley)

(At the gravesite of Bernardo Vasquez, “Stop the Assassinations”)

In the dry and dusty town of San José del Pacifico, south of Oaxaca, Mexico, a funeral was held on March 17 for Bernardo Vasquez, a slain community leader who actively opposed a Canadian silver and gold mining project in his community.  During the somber event, attended by roughly 300 members of this Zapotec community, the collective grief, solidarity and resistance was palpable.  Fear also hung in the air; some people held placards proclaiming their resistance in front of their faces to avoid being photographed.

(Bernardo’s mother and family grieving their loss)

The fear is understandable – Bernardo Vásquez was the second anti-mining activist to be shot dead in the past two months.  Three others at the scene of the assassination of Vasquez were also shot and remain in serious condition.

WHY THE VIOLENCE?

Why all the bloodshed in this small Zapotec community?  The common thread connecting the victims of the recent violence is that – together with a coalition of people from other nearby communities – they were all actively opposing the presence of the Canadian company, Fortuna Silver Inc.’s “Trinidad/Cuzcatlán” silver and gold mine in their community in the Ocotlán valley, about 45 minutes outside of Oaxaca City.

(“Berna, We Will Always Rembember You.  You Fought for Us”)

Bernardo Vásquez was killed on March 16 when he and two passengers were ambushed at an intersection near his community.   His brother Andrés and friend Rosalinda Canseco remain hospitalized in serious condition. In an interview at the hospital, Rosalinda’s father said doctors are concerned they may have to amputate her leg.

PREVIOUS KILLING OF BERNARDO MENDEZ

Two months ago, the now dead Bernardo Vásquez was denouncing the murder of Bernardo Mendez, a friend and colleague also opposed to the Trinidad/Cuzcatán mine.  During a press conference on January 23, as spokesperson for a local coalition of people opposed to Fortuna Silver’s mine, Vásquez denounced the shooting death of Méndez that had occurred several days earlier.  That murder happened when a group of people confronted a work crew constructing a water pipeline in San José.  The people suspected the project would divert the arid community’s scarce water resources to the mine.  An argument ensued and municipal police arrived on the scene and opened fire into the crowd.  Bernardo Méndez later died of 7 gunshot wounds.  Abigail Vásquez, sister of Bernardo Vázquez (killed March 16), was seriously wounded in the January killing.

During the press conference, Vázquez and the Coalition of People United in the Ocotlán Valley (COPOVU) held the Vancouver-based Fortuna Silver and it’s local Trinidad/Cuzcatlán mining activities directly responsible for the murder and other related violence, and called for the suspension and removal of all the mining company’s activities in San José.  The anti-mining group also called for the cancellation and removal of the mining project.

FORTUNA SILVER DENIES ANY LINKS TO ITS ACTIVITIES AND THE VIOLENCE

Mining officials dismissed allegations that the mine was diverting water from the community, and denied any links between the recent violence and their mining operation in San José del Progreso.  In response to COPOVU’s accusations that the mine is responsible for the violence in San José, CEO Jorge Ganoza called the allegations “misinformation”.

“We, as a company, and our team in Oaxaca, are saddened by these senseless and continued acts of violence in the town of San José, related to a long-standing political struggle for local power”, he said in statement published by Canadian media.  “It is in no way related to our activities or involves company personnel…”.  Several Oaxaca state government officials in press releases repeat this version of events, but critics point out to a long history of violence in local communities since Fortuna Silver first arrived on the scene in 2006.

HISTORY OF MINE-RELATED VIOLENCE

In 2009, roughly three hundred opponents to Fortuna Silver’s mining operation participated in a blockade of the entrance to the Trinidad/Cuzcatlán.  After 40 days, the blockade was brutally broken when some 700 police stormed into the community in full anti-riot gear, with automatic weapons, tear gas, attack dogs and a helicopter.  People were beaten and more than 23 people were arrested; some were detained for three months.

In 2010, the mayor of San José, along with another municipal official, was killed in a confrontation between residents supporting and those opposing the mine.  A local priest supporting anti-mining activists was brutally beaten and detained.

The ongoing violence has divided and created a tense, fearful atmosphere in the once peaceful community.  One local activist who has been involved in resistance to the mine from the beginning estimated that the vast majority of residents were opposed to the mine when it started originally arrived to break ground in the community.  The ongoing repression and intimidation – coupled with bribes to prominent members of the community – has reduced the number of residents who actively resist the mine.  Nonetheless, he estimated that roughly half of the community is opposed to the mine, and many others are against the mine but fearful of openly resisting the mining project.

WHY THE OPPOSITION TO THE MINE?

In the arid Ocotlán valley of Oaxaca, as in many parts of the state, water is a scarce and precious commodity.  Residents opposed to the mine argue that processing silver and gold is water-intensive puts their local aquifers at risk.

Their argument has strong precedent.  Another Oaxacan community with years of painful experience with mining operations, Calpulálpam, had its water supply devastated by the Canadian “Continuum” mine there.  Aquifers were disrupted and local resident report that 13 local streams completely dried up due to mining in their community.  Local springs were also so polluted by chemicals used to process ore that livestock were dying from the contamination. The devastation was so flagrant that the Mexican Federal Environmental Protection Agency eventually ordered the mine to suspend all activities.

Thus the violent confrontation in January between the group of local residents and workers installing a water pipeline is understandable. The actual motives behind the project remain unclear; transparency about public works in San José is sorely lacking.  While Fortuna Silver continues to flatly deny any link between purported municipal potable water project and mining activities, many local residentS remain unconvinced.  And Mexico’s three leading national newspapers, including the respected daily La Jornada, all reported that the disputed water pipeline was indeed related to the mining operation and all linked the violence to tensions in the community around the mine’s activities there.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS SPEAK OUT

In a recent statement by the Oaxacan Collective in Defense of Territories, an umbrella organization made up of prominent human rights and civil society organization, issued a statement on March 16, the day following the ambush of Vázquez and his two companions.  The declaration points out that Vázquez had repeatedly alerted state and federal authorities – since 2008 – of the risk of violent confrontations due to the initiation of mining operations by Fortuna Silver without the consent of the community, as legally required by international accords signed by Mexico. The statement says that the members of the anti-mining coalition COPUVO repeatedly complained that the mining company was financing armed groups in the community with the endorsement of the municipal president of San José del Progreso, Alberto Mauro Sánchez.  The collective’s statement says argues that the lack of justice and application of law by government officials has created a dangerous atmosphere of impunity in San José.  The statement closes with a demand for the immediate departure of the Trinidad/Cuzcatlán mine.

EULOGY FOR BERNARDO VÁSQUEZ

In a eulogy for Bernardo Vásquez, Dawn Paley, an independent Canadian journalist, wrote:

“Bernardo Vasquez was a clear spoken Zapotec activist, a brother, son, and cousin, who dared to stand up against a mining project in the territory of his people. He was well aware that a paramilitary group was operating in San José Progreso, Oaxaca, and that it was organized to snuff out opposition to a gold mine , owned by Vancouver based Fortuna Silver.  …  One thing is clear: this was a political hit. Bernardo was murdered because he dared to speak out, ignoring the climate of fear imposed upon his people.” (http://vancouver.mediacoop.ca/story/another-activist-murdered-organizing-against-canadian-mine/10243)

THE STAKES ARE HIGH, BUT THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES

Fortuna Silver’s $55 million Trinidad/Cuzcatlán mine began its production in September last year and projected to produce 1.7 million ounces of silver and 15,000 ounce of gold in 2012.  Future conflicts are likely as the mine expands its operations in its 58,000 hectares holdings just south of Oaxaca City in coming years, particularly in light of the ongoing impunity enjoyed by local officials and hired guns in San José.

During the funeral, many residents expressed their concerns that the lack of justice for those responsible for the recent shootings has created an atmosphere of impunity that is likely to foster more bloodshed.

(The Funeral Procession)

But in spite of the fear and intimidation, the March 17 funeral clearly illustrated that anti-mining activists from San José together with other surrounding communities affected by the mine, will continue on in their resistance. Indignation and defiance hung in the air.  Just before Vasquez’s coffin was lowered into the ground, a friend said: “They can cut a flower, but they cannot stop the Spring.”

(Jonathan Treat is a journalist, professor, activist and founding member of the non-profit organization SURCO (University Services and Knowledge Networks of Oaxaca), www.surcooaxaca.org.  He works with SURCO as Academic Director and Coordinator of Delegations looking at issues related to the defense of indigenous territories in Oaxaca and Chiapas. Jonathan: jonathantreat2002@yahoo.com)

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WHAT TO DO – WRITE & KEEP ON WRITING

Please keep on keeping on sending copies of this information, and your own letters, to Canadian and American politicians and government officials, and to your local media.  North American resource extraction companies are operating around the world with the full support of North American governments.  Please send copies to pension funds across North America – like the Canada Pension Plan – that are invested in most North American resource extraction companies around the world, with no concern for environmental, health or human rights concerns.

FORTUNA SILVER

Suite 650, 200 Burrard Street

Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada V6C 3L6

T: 604.484.4085

TF: 866.719.8962

info@fortunasilver.com

http://www.fortunasilver.com/s/ContactUs.asp

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FEBRERO 19, ESCRACHE AL CAMPO MILITAR No. 1

¡NO ES CICLOPISTA: ES UNA CÁRCEL CLANDESTINA!

Por segundo año consecutivo, la SEDENA abre las puertas del Campo Militar No. 1 a los civiles, cual si fuera un lugar de paseo, un bonito parque para un domingo en bicicleta, para una carrera de atletismo. Sin embargo, este campo ha sido desde hace décadas un referente al hablar de represión en México, del encarcelamiento clandestino, las torturas, las desapariciones e incluso las ejecuciones extrajudiciales, no es un lugar donde se respete a la ciudadanía: es un lugar donde se violan sistemáticamente los derechos humanos porque en sus instalaciones funciona la cárcel clandestina más señalada en nuestro país.

Se tiene conocimiento, por testimonios y fotografías, que esta cárcel fue usada el 2 de octubre de 1968 para encerrar a cientos de estudiantes traídos de la Plaza de las Tres Culturas. Durante los años setenta y ochenta muchas personas que estuvieron dentro de estas cárceles afirmaron haber visto a más desaparecidos con vida en el mismo lugar. Pueblos enteros, como El Quemado, Guerrero, estuvieron en este lugar secuestrados, desaparecidos. Gabriel Alberto Cruz Sánchez y Edmundo Reyes Amaya, desaparecidos desde 2007, fueron traídos a este lugar. Esto demuestra que estas mismas instalaciones han sido usadas como cárceles clandestinas por décadas, es un ejemplo claro de la continuidad del terrorismo de Estado, que nunca ha cesado. No ha sido solo un gobierno el que ha desaparecido, asesinado, reprimido: el Estado en su totalidad lo ha hecho impunemente.

EL PRÓXIMO DOMINGO 19 DE FEBRERO IREMOS A LAS INSTALACIONES DEL CAMPO MILITAR No. 1 (Puerta 8 ) PARA SEÑALAR ESTE LUGAR COMO LO QUE ES: UNA CÁRCEL CLANDESTINA.

La cita es a las 11:00 a.m. afuera del Restaurante “El Portón” que se encuentra sobre Periférico (casi enfrente de la puerta 8 del Campo).

Si las Fuerzas Armadas realmente quieren dar una buena imagen a la sociedad, que liberen a los desaparecidos, que abran sus archivos y no sólo sus puertas; que dejen de violar los derechos humanos, de torturar incluso a sus iguales, a policías; que paren esta campaña de represión y que regresen a sus cuarteles. Que todos los responsables y sus cómplices sean juzgados.

La muerte en la impunidad de Miguel Nazar Haro nos llama a reflexionar sobre diversos temas. Por un lado, la historia, la recuperación de la memoria en donde vemos que él nunca estuvo sólo, que siempre fue una pieza más en un sistema de terror de Estado y criminalidad. De éste contexto nos habla Pável Uranga.

Por otro lado, también es preciso recordar la digna lucha de las madres y familiares y reconocer su camino, para saber que su lucha es la de todos y todas. De ésto nos habla Pável Ramírez, de H.I.J.O.S. México.

Los desaparecidos nos faltan a todos.

El viernes  27 de Enero de 2012 murió Miguel Nazar Haro, responsable directo de la desaparición forzada, el asesinato y la tortura de cientos de hombres y mujeres.

En esta emisión escucharemos a Pavel Ramírez que narra su versión de los hechos.

Como se lee en la página de H.I.J.O.S:

“Hoy se da un luto improbable porque este peligroso criminal murió sin haber enfrentado un castigo justo. Ante esto las mexicanas y mexicanos nos quedamos en un clima de indefensión. Sin embargo, el episodio no está cerrado: la tarea será lograr que el juicio de la historia imponga esa condena ejemplar para que casos como éste no vuelvan a tener un lugar en nuestro país.”
H.I.J.O.S. México
No olvidamos. No perdonamos. No nos reconciliamos.

Los desaparecidos nos faltan a todos

Un torturador no se redime suicidándose, pero algo es algo.
Mario Benedetti

Cuando una persona imprescindible muere, el mundo se pone de luto. El torturador Miguel Nazar Haro murió hace unos días y el improbable luto es completamente distinto: él no era imprescindible, pero era imprescindible que no muriera.

Miguel Nazar Haro fue uno de los más terribles torturadores de nuestra historia. Entrenado por la CIA. Financiado por el narco. Pieza clave en la estrategia gubernamental de asesinato, desaparición forzada y violación sistemática de los derechos humanos de disidentes politicos. Asesor de Zedillo contra el EZLN y las comunidades zapatistas. Robacoches de cuello blanco. Entrenador de torturadores expertos en violar derechos constitucionales. Sus historias lo hacen ver como uno más en la lista del pozolero o el mochaorejas; sin embargo Nazar Haro era más siniestro: él era un servidor público.

Pese a haber cometido innumerables crímenes de lesa humanidad, no enfrentó ningún proceso judicial efectivo. Hubo uno en Estados Unidos, acusado por haber organizado y coordinado una banda de ladrones de coches en ambos lados de la frontera. Para él, el enriquecimiento a partir de actividades ilícitas gracias al manto de impunidad que le cubría, fue más que una costumbre. Hubo dos procesos judiciales en México por la desaparición forzada de disidentes políticos. Valdría la pena preguntarse por qué fracasaron estos jucios.

Nazar Haro no estaba solo: era una pieza más en el esquema de violación sistemática de los derechos humanos en nuestro país. No era un loco que actuaba aisladamente: recibió entrenamiento para ello y era parte de una estrategia generalizada para eliminar a la oposición política. No actuó solo: había subordinados y también había gente encima de él. Sin ir más lejos, los secretarios de gobernación y el presidente de la república. Los que gobernaban cuando él operaba y los que le siguieron que supieron todo y construyeron estrategias legales para mantenerlo impune.

Sin duda podríamos decir que hoy el mundo está más seguro sin él, sin embargo la impunidad que prevalece se traduce en una inseguridad al cuadrado. Al delito de la desaparición forzada –que no prescribe- y la tortura, se suma la complicidad de los jueces y el gobierno corrupto que trafica con nuestros derechos como si fueran de su propiedad. De la cadena de autoridades y funcionarios públicos, no hay quien se salve. Desde los torturadores hasta los diputados y senadores que modificaron las leyes para que los criminales y torturadores como él pasaran las farsas de procesos judiciales en su casa. Violación de los derechos humanos al cuadrado por cada una de las víctimas. ¿Cuántos años de prisión sería eso?

A Nazar Haro hay que condenarlo todas y todos, y hay que condenar también a los jueces que lo dejaron libre y a los gobiernos que consumaron su impunidad: desde los jueces en Monterrey Guillermo Vazquez Martinez y Jose Manuel de la Fuente Perez, hasta la SCJN. ¿Por qué si sabe que en sus manos está la última palabra de la justicia, elige mirar hacia otro lado?

Hoy se da un luto improbable porque este peligroso criminal murió sin haber enfrentado un castigo justo. Ante esto las mexicanas y mexicanos nos quedamos en un clima de indefensión. Sin embargo, el episodio no está cerrado: la tarea será lograr que el juicio de la historia imponga esa condena ejemplar para que casos como éste no vuelvan a tener un lugar en nuestro país.

H.I.J.O.S. México
No olvidamos. No perdonamos. No nos reconciliamos.
Juicio y castigo a los culpables y sus cómplices.
Los desaparecidos nos faltan a todos.

La primera sala determinó ayer reasumir su competencia originaria y dictaminar el incidente de reconocimiento de inocencia que presentaron Juan Santis Vásquez, Lorenzo Gómez Jiménez, Mariano Pérez Jiménez, Agustín Pérez Gómez, José Ruiz Tzucut y Bartolo Luna Pérez o Bartolo López Pérez, sentenciados por los delitos de homicidio y lesiones calificadas.

Un compañero de la organización Xinich explica cómo el gobierno se ha burlado de sus requerimientos de que se identifique a los 4 desaparecidos en la masacre y desalojo de Viejo Velasco perpetrada en noviembre de 2006.
También explica que hay 15 familias desalojadas que aún esperan volver a su tierra.

Lee el comunicado sobre el caso: Gobierno mexicano desaparece osamentas de Viejo Velasco(Descarga aquí)  

(Continuar leyendo…)