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Regeneración Radio

Ayotzinapa: dignidad y resistencia ante la barbarie

Ayotzinapa: dignidad y resistencia ante la barbarie

Mensaje Radial emitido el 5 de Octubre en Chilpancingo, Guerrero: (Descarga aquí)  

Una vez más,  los cuerpos policiacos  actúan en contra de sectores organizados del estado de Guerrero, de nuevo la inconformidad de distintos actores en lucha por la conquista de sus demandas sentidas, son reprimidos. Se repiten escenas dolorosas, como la matanza de Aguas Blancas y el Charco en Ayutla de los libres. Se repite la arte agresión y muerte extrajudicial contra estudiantes pobres, hijos de campesinos e indígenas, que aspiran a la educación.  Jóvenes  normalistas que desean aprender para ser docentes y  así compartir sus conocimientos y experiencias de lucha, con sus comunidades.

(Continuar leyendo…)

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Javier Hernández Alpizar

Atenco frente a la arrogancia del señor Aeropuerto

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Atenco frente a la arrogancia del señor Aeropuerto

Javier Hernández Alpízar

En las últimas semanas, los pobladores de San Salvador Atenco han vuelto a tomar las calles para impedir la construcción de una terminal áerea en sus tierras ejidales, como ya lo hicieran en 2006. En este breve ensayo, Javier Hernández Alpízar analiza cómo ha evolucionado la Ciudad de México desde entonces. Al menos la ciudad neoliberal, esa “ciudad mercancía que como caries se expande por el mundo: una ciudad destinada a la producción, distribución y consumo de mercancías donde el capital es el jefe y todos los “ciudadanos” sus operarios”.

(Continuar leyendo…)

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Nos declaramos en rebeldía.- Declaratoria del Encuentro de Medios Libres en defensa del territorio (Agosto 2014)

Amiltzinko, Temoac, Morelos a 24 de agosto del 2014.

A los pueblos en defensa del territorio.

Al Congreso Nacional Indígena.

Al Ejercito Zapatista de Liberación Nacional.

A los medios libres, autónomos o como se llamen.

A las organizaciones de defensa de los derechos humanos.

Los medios libres nos declaramos en rebeldía frente a la ley de telecomunicaciones y radiodifusión impuesta por el mal gobierno.Nos declaramos en resistencia contra el saqueo y en defensa del territorio de nuestros pueblos, a quienes les decimos que nos reconocemos como parte de su lucha y que con nuestro trabajo buscamos fortalecer la organización en defensa de la madre tierra. Con esto queremos decirles que se sientan acompañados porque su voz tiene oídos que escuchan y manos que trabajan para darle fuerza a su palabra y hacerla resonar sin límites más allá de nuestros territorios.

En este encuentro de medios libres en defensa del territorio, conocimos experiencias de comunicación popular de diferentes pueblos y comunidades en México y el mundo, compartimos saberes y experiencias, encontramos formas de coordinarnos en el trabajo, y reconocimos nuestras luchas en la lucha de otros y otras. En encuentros como este, seguimos constatando que somos muchos y muchas quienes estamos dispuestxs a caminar por el sendero de la
autonomía y la autogestión.

La resistencia de los pueblos y sus medios libres conformamos una convergencia de rebeldía que pondrá un alto al despojo llevado a cabo por el mal gobierno junto con las empresas nacionales y transnacionales; juntos en nuestras luchas, pueblos, comunidades, radios comunitarias y medios libres rompemos el cerco informativo impuesto por los medios de paga que ocultan y distorsionan la verdad.

Sabemos que en México existen muchos pueblos que son objeto del desprecio, del despojo,la explotación y la represión.De la misma manera, nuestros medios de comunicación también son objeto de la violencia de estado y la criminalización, por lo que les convocamos a la defensa y al apoyo mutuo. Los malos gobiernos deberán entender que si nos tocan a unos nos tocan a todos. Si desmantelan alguna de nuestras radios o proyectos de comunicación libre, surgiremos más. No permitiremos que nos sigan encarcelando y reprimiendo, estamos organizados y dispuestos a garantizarnos el ejercicio de nuestros derechos. La tecnología es nuestra, nos la hemos apropiado y estamos dispuestxs a ocuparla y compartirla sin límites. ¡Basta ya de tanto desprecio!.

Frente a esta realidad de abierta confrontación tenemos el gran reto de acompañarnos entre los pueblos y los medios de comunicación populares que somos criminalizados por ejercer nuestros derechos al territorio, a la libre determinación, a la comunicación y a la libertad de expresión. Les convocamos a conformar equipos de abogados y abogadas con capacidad de responder ante las detenciones arbitrarias, desmatelamientos, criminalización,
encarcelamientos y represión de las que somos objeto.

En este contexto, hemos mirado el horizonte que nos muestran
los muchos espejos que se reflejaron en la compartición entre el Congreso Nacional Indígena y el Ejercito Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, en quienes vemos un ejemplo de dignidad, rebeldía y resistencia que alimenta nuestros sueños y nuestro trabajo. Esperamos estar a la altura de la gran tarea que nos han encomendado. Responderemos con toda nuestra fuerza y capacidad
organizativa.

A la comunidad de Amiltzinko agradecemos habernos recibido en sus casas y dejarnos tomar ejemplo de su organización desde abajo y su trabajo colectivo, nos comprometemos a seguir caminando juntos desde nuestros medios, la defensa de su territorio y a fortalecer sus procesos de comunicación comunitaria con miras a volvernos a encontrar en este mismo lugar para el “Primer festival mundial de las resistencias y las rebeldías contra el capitalismo”.

Convocamos a otros medios libres, autónomos , alternativos o como se llamen a que hagan suya y enriquezcan esta declaración para construir espacios de coordinación y redes de apoyo mutuo que nos permitan fortalecer y acompañar los procesos de organización en defensa del territorio para ganar de una vez por todas esta nuestra lucha por la vida, tierra y libertad.

¡Nunca más un México sin nosotrxs!

¡Libertad a Enedina
Rosas, Juan Carlos Flores y Abraham Cordero!

Ratificamos la presente declaración:

Axocotzin Radio; El caminante; Regeneración Radio; Radio Amiltzinko; Coletivo Hijxs de la tierra; Radio Ricardo Flores Magón; Radio Pozol; Radio Zapote; Radio Teocelo; Radio Fogata; Koman Ilel; Somos el medio; Agencia Subversiones; Ce-Acatl; Sandía digital; Tequio audiovisual; Telar de raíces; La voz de Villa radio; Radio Naxme; Bloque de colectivos de Morelos; Kolectivo Zero, Radio Placeres, Radio Nhandia, Autonomia Radial, La Chilenita, Coordinadora Nacional de Medios Libres y Comunitaros, Media Luna Pa Todos, Frente Juvenil en Defensa de Tepoztlán.

(solo se sumaron algunas firmas de los asistentes pues varias delegaciones regresaron el domingo antes de la clausura por las distancias de recorrido, se solicita la adhesión de los demas medios libres, autonomos, alternativos o como se llamen…).

Encuentro Medios Libres-Amilcingo

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Mumía Abú-Jamal

Noche de dolor, noche de rabia

Listen in English (Descarga aquí)  

Escucha en español (Descarga aquí)  

Otra vez, un joven negro que no llevaba armas ha sido asesinado por un policía.

Y si por el momento no están claros los hechos sobre cómo sucedieron los disparos, lo que está claro es que un policía disparó 8 tiros contra Michael Brown, de 18 años de edad.

(Continuar leyendo…)

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Medios Libres en La Realidad

Pueblos indígenas de México denuncian despojo y represión

CNI y EZLN convocan a Festival Mundial de la Resistencia y las Rebeldías contra el capitalismo

Después de una semana de compartir dolores pero también resistencias, los pueblos  indígenas de México, integrantes del Congreso Nacional Indígena (CNI), que se reunieron con los pueblos zapatistas del 4 al 9 de agosto de 2014, en el Caracol de la Realidad, dieron a conocer tres declaratorias donde denuncian el despojo y la represión contra sus comunidades y hacen una invitación a intercambiar experiencias de lucha.

(Continuar leyendo…)

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Medios Libres en La Realidad

CNI y EZLN anuncian el Primer Gran Festival Mundial de las Rebeldías y las Resistencias

Donde los de arriba destruyen, los de abajo reconstruimos

LEE/ESCUCHA LA INVITACIÓN COMPLETA AQUÍ

El Congreso Nacional Indígena y el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, reunidos durante 6 días en el Caracol 1 de la Realidad, denunciaron ampliamente los distintos despojos contra los pueblos indígenas a lo largo y ancho del territorio nacional. “Ese despojo tiene un nombre y es el capitalismo”, afirmó Venustiano Vázquez Navarrete, delegado del pueblo wixarika, quien junto con Miriam Vargas dieron lectura al primero de los pronunciamientos de clausura.

En este evento Armando García Salazar, perteneciente al pueblo ñ’hañhú, leyó un comunicado donde anuncia la convocatoria al Primer Gran Festival Mundial de las Rebeldías y las Resistencias, que se llevará a cabo entre los días 21 de diciembre de este año y 3 de enero de 2015 en 6 estados del país.

(Continuar leyendo…)

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CNI / EZLN

¡Los de abajo reconstruimos! – EZLN invita al Festival Mundial de las Resistencias y las Rebeldías

EZLN invita al Festival Mundial de Las Resistencias y las Rebeldias contra el Capitalismo “Donde Los De Arriba destruyen Los de Abajo Reconstruimos”

EZLN invita al Festival Mundial de Las Resistencias y las Rebeldías contra el Capitalismo “Donde Los De Arriba destruyen Los de Abajo Reconstruimos”

Sábado, 9 de agosto de 2014

Invitación al Festival mundial de las Resistencias y las Rebeldías

“Venimos para compartir nuestros sentimientos y dolores que nos han hecho este sistema neoliberal. Pero no solo. También es seguro que venimos a compartir los valiosos conocimientos, experiencias de lucha, de organización. Retos y desafíos frente a los capitalistas invasores y neoliberales que tanto daño nos han causado.”

(EZLN, agosto de 2014)

ESCUCHA EN AUDIO AQUÍ:
(Descarga aquí)  

A l@s hermanas y hermanos de la Sexta nacional e internacional:

Reunidos nuestros pueblos en la Compartición de Pueblos Zapatistas y el Congreso Nacional Indígena “David Ruíz García”, nos platicamos nuestros dolores, nuestras palabras y experiencias de lucha, rebeldía y resistencia.

Juntos sabemos que en nuestras rebeldías están nuestros “NO” a las políticas de destrucción que hace el capitalismo en todo el mundo. Y conocemos que en nuestras resistencias están las semillas del mundo que queremos.

Estas rebeldías y resistencias no son solo de los pueblos originarios de México. Andan también en los pasos de los pueblos originarios de todo el continente y en todos los rincones del planeta donde individu@s, grupos, colectivos y organizaciones no solo dicen “NO” a la destrucción, sino que también van reconstruyendo algo nuevo.

(Continuar leyendo…)

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Medios Libres en La Realidad

SÍ a la Resistencia – Palabras del Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés en la clausura de la compartición CNI-EZLN

“No a las privatizaciones, desalojos y asesinatos, si a la resistencia”, expresa el Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés…

“No a las privatizaciones, desalojos y asesinatos, si a la resistencia”, expresa el Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés…

La Realidad Chiapas. 9 de agosto. “No a las privatizaciones, desalojos y asesinatos, si a la resistencia”, expresa el Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés, en su participación dentro de la clausura del Encuentro de Pueblos Zapatistas con los Pueblos Originarios de México “David Ruiz García”, llevado a cabo del 4 al 9 de agosto en Realidad Chiapas.

“Nadie sabe más de cómo debe ser una buena justicia que quien tiene olor a sudor y pobreza”, asegura el insurgente indígena, y abunda “el rico no siente el dolor, no sabe cómo debe ser una ley”.

“Queremos caminar juntos no nos importa el color, pero si que sean explotados y humillados”, externa el vocero zapatista, y afirma que en el EZLN hay una nueva generación de jóvenes que no permitirán el regreso de personajes como Absalon Castellanos Dominguez, en alusión al ex gobernador de Chiapas.

Escucha las palabras del Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés:
(Descarga aquí)  

Por su parte el Comandante David calificó el encuentro del Congreso Nacional Indígena como histórico y aconsejo darle continuidad por parte de las nuevas generaciones. Los pueblos originarios de México integrantes del CNI, denunciaron en un pronunciamiento el despojo, represión e injustos encarcemientos de que han sido objetos.
(Descarga aquí)  

(Continuar leyendo…)

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Manuela Picq

Autodeterminación como antiextractivismo: la resistencia indígena desafía las políticas mundiales

Disculpa, pero esta entrada está disponible sólo en Inglés Estadounidense. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Self-Determination as Anti-Extractivism: How Indigenous Resistance Challenges World Politics Print
Written by Manuela Picq
Monday, 02 June 2014 19:46
This article was originally published in E-International Relations’ free-to-download Edited Collection, Restoring Indigenous Self Determination: Theoretical and Practical Approaches. Republished under a Creative Commons License.

Indigeneity is an unusual way to think about International Relations (IR). Most studies of world politics ignore Indigenous perspectives, which are rarely treated as relevant to thinking about the international (Shaw 2008; Beier 2009). Yet Indigenous peoples are engaging in world politics with a dynamism and creativity that defies the silences of our discipline (Morgan 2011). In Latin America, Indigenous politics has gained international legitimacy, influencing policy for over two decades (Cott 2008; Madrid 2012). Now, Indigenous political movements are focused on resisting extractive projects on autonomous territory from the Arctic to the Amazon (Banerjee 2012; Sawyer and Gómez 2012). Resistance has led to large mobilized protests, invoked international law, and enabled alternative mechanisms of authority. In response, governments have been busy criminalizing Indigenous claims to consultation that challenge extractive models of development. Indigenous opposition to extractivism ultimately promotes self-determination rights, questioning the states’ authority over land by placing its sovereignty into historical context. In that sense, Indigeneity is a valuable approach to understanding world politics as much as it is a critical concept to move beyond state-centrism in the study of IR.

The Consolidation of Indigenous Resistance against Extractivism

Indigenous peoples are contesting extractive projects in various, complementary ways. Collective marches have multiplied as an immediate means of resistance throughout the Americas. In 2012, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador led thousands of people on a 15-day, 400-mile March for Life, Water, and the Dignity of Peoples, demanding a new water law, the end of open-pit mining, and a stop to the expansion of oil concessions. Within days, a similar mobilization took over Guatemala City. The Indigenous, Peasant, and Popular March in Defense of Mother Earth covered 212 kilometers to enter the capital with nearly 15,000 people protesting mining concessions, hydroelectric plants, and evictions. In Bolivia, various marches demanded consultation as the government prepared to build a highway within the Indigenous Territory and National Park Isidoro Sécure (TIPNIS). From Canada’s Idle No More movement to the protests against damming the Xingú River Basin in Brazil, Indigenous movements are rising and demanding they be allowed to participate in decisions affecting their territories.

Protests are at the core of global Indigenous agendas. In 2013, the Fifth Continental Summit of Indigenous Peoples of the Abya Yala encouraged communities to step-up resistance in light of the threat posed by state-sponsored extractivism. This is what Indigenous women were doing when they walked from Amazon territories to Quito, Ecuador, denouncing government plans to drill without consultation in the Yasuní reserve. Local protests are not trivial or irrelevant in world politics. Rather, they are part of a larger effort to transform local concerns into international politics.

Indigenous peoples have remarkable expertise in international law and are savvily leveraging their rights to consultation and self-determination guaranteed in the ILO Convention 169 (1989) and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) (UN General Assembly 2008). They have won emblematic legal battles at the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR), at times obliging states to recognize Indigenous territorial authority. In the decade-long case of Sarayaku v. Ecuador, the IACHR upheld the right of free, prior, and informed consent with a binding sentence against the Ecuadoran State for allowing a foreign oil company to encroach on ancestral lands without consultation during the 1990s. A 2011 petition by communities of the Xingú River basin led the IACHR to order Brazil’s government to halt the construction of the Belo Monte Dam. The Mayan Q’eqchi’ expanded jurisdiction by taking Hudbay Minerals to Court in Canada for crimes committed at an open-pit nickel mine in Guatemala. In Canada, two Manitoba First Nations used their own legal systems in 2013 to serve eviction notices to mining companies operating illegally on their land.1

International pressure is significant, yet states frequently eschew what they perceive to be uncomfortable mechanisms of accountability. Courts may validate Indigenous resistance, and UN reports warn against the catastrophic impact of extractive industries, but Brazil continued to build the Belo Monte Dam and Peru’s government did not consider suspending the Camisea gas project of drilling 18 wells on protected territories that have been home to Amazonian peoples in voluntary isolation (Feather 2014). Nevertheless, states that evade prior consultation obligations only foster Indigenous inventiveness. In the absence of official mechanisms of consultation, people establish autonomous ones. Local communities of the Kimsacocha area took matters in their own hands after years of being ignored, demanding Ecuador’s government consult them on a mining project in the highlands. In 2011, they organized a community-based consultation without the authorization of the state that was nevertheless legitimized by the presence of international observers (Guartambel 2012). The community voted 93% in favour of defending water rights and against mining in the area. Autonomous forms of prior consultation are increasingly common in Latin America. In Guatemala alone, there have been over sixty community-based consultations since 2005 (MacLeod and Pérez 2013).

Contesting States of Extraction

Indigenous resistance has been the target of severe government repression, ranging from judicial intimidation to assassinations of activists. Mobilizations against the Congo mine in Cajamarca, Peru, led President Ollanta Humala to declare a state of emergency and unleash military repression. An estimated 200 activists were killed in Peru between 2006 and 2011 for resisting extractivism (Zibechi 2013). Colombia’s government, in turn, declared protests against the mining industry illegal. In Ecuador, about 200 people have been criminalized for contesting the corporatization of natural resources. Many have been charged with terrorism. Violent repression against TIPNIS protesters in Bolivia revealed that even Evo Morales, Latin America’s first elected Indigenous president, is willing to use force to silence demands for consultation. Various activists opposing the multinational mining giant AngloGlod Ashanti have been assassinated. Argentina’s Plurinational Indigenous Council, which calls for an end to extractivism, has recorded eleven assassinations since 2010. The Observatory of Mining Conflicts in Latin America (OCMAL) estimates there are currently 195 active conflicts due to large-scale mining. Peru and Chile lead the list with 34 and 33 conflicts respectively, followed by Mexico with 28, Argentina with 26, Brazil with 20, and Colombia with 12. Mega-mining alone affects nearly 300 communities, many of which are located on Indigenous territories.

This wave of intense criminalization indicates the expansion of the extractive frontier. In Peru, where anti-extractivist unrest toppled two cabinets under the Humala government and led to the militarization of several provinces, mineral exploration expenditures increased tenfold in a decade. In 2002, 7.5 million hectares of land had been granted to mining companies; by 2012 the figure jumped to almost 26 million hectares, or 20% of the country’s land. Nearly 60% of the province of Apurímac has been granted to mining companies. In Colombia, about 40% of land is licensed to, or being solicited by, multinational companies for mineral and crude mining projects (Peace Brigades International 2011). According to OCMAL, 25% of the Chile’s territory was under exploration or operation as of 2010. In 2013, Mexico’s government opened the state-controlled energy sector to foreign investment, changing legislation to allow private multinationals to prospect for the country’s oil and natural gas resources for the first time since 1938.

The problem is that governments are largely licensing Indigenous land. In 2010, the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues reported that Colombian mining concessions had been awarded in 80% of the country’s legally recognized Indigenous territories. Colombia’s government has 8.8 million hectares of Indigenous reserves designated as oil areas and granted 168 mining licenses on Indigenous reserves in 2011. Extractive industries lead to evictions, toxic waste, and resource scarcity, creating conflicts over water, soil, and subsoil. Open-pit mining uses unsustainable amounts of water. The controversial Marlin mine, partly funded by the World Bank in 2004, and today fully owned by Goldcorp, uses in one hour the water that a local family uses over 22 years (Van de Sandt 2009).2 In Chile, mining consumes 37% of the electricity produced in the country – which will reach 50% in a few years – compared to 28% for industry and 16% for the residential sector. This requires the Chilean State to continually expand energy sources, thereby accelerating displacement and the transfer of agricultural land to hydroelectric projects.

Conflicts against extractivism should not be dismissed as only concerning Indigenous peoples. They encompass larger debates about the role of extractivism in politics and contest a development model based on the corporatization of natural resources. In particular, they reveal the continuous role of resource exploitation as a strategy to finance states. Governments are prioritizing extractive industries as key engines of growth, although there is ample evidence that extractive industries create relatively few jobs. President Juan Manuel Santos promised to turn Colombia into a mining powerhouse because it attracts quick investment. Opening Ecuador to mega-mining financed much of President Correa’s third re-election. In fact, his unexpected policy shift to approve drilling within the Yasuní Reserve is explained largely by his government’s urgent need for cash. China, which holds over 35% of Ecuador’s foreign debt and financed 12% of its budget in 2013, buys about 60% of the country’s oil and is expected to pre-buy Yasuní oil (Guevara 2013).

Indigenous claims against extractive projects contest a world system based on predation and usurpation. In Guatemala, mining is managed by long-standing political elites and inscribed in the colonial genealogy of power. In many instances, the entrepreneurs promoting mining today are the scions of the same oligarchical families that have controlled Indigenous land and peoples for centuries (Casaús 2007). The political economy of extractivism encompasses global inequalities of exploitation, within and among states. About 75% of the world’s mining companies are registered in Canada, and most operate in the so-called Global South (Deneault et al. 2012). Extractive industries in the North rely on alliances with national elites to exploit natural resources of peoples and places historically marginalized from power politics.

Indigeneity as a Way to Rethink International Relations

Claims against extractivism are ultimately claims to the right of self-determination. The unilateral expropriation of land for mining today is a continuation of the Doctrine of Discovery. It conceptualized the New World as terra nullis, authorizing colonial powers to conquer and exploit land in the Americas. It also paved the way for a paradigm of domination that outlasted colonial times to evolve into a broader – and more resilient – self-arrogated right of intervention embodied by the modern state (Wallerstein 2006). Today, the idea of “empty” lands survives in extractivist practices. Large-scale mining by multinational corporations perpetuates the human abuse and resource appropriation initiated by Spanish colonizers centuries ago in the Bolivian mines of Potosi. International rights to self-determination may have replaced Papal Bulls, yet the political economy of looting natural resources on Indigenous lands continues, now in the name of development.

In this context, Indigeneity is a privileged site for the study of international relations. First and foremost, the extent and sophistication of Indigenous political praxis is relevant to any explanation of world politics. The rise of anti-extractivism as a politics of contestation against state exploitation calls for alternative sites of governance, such as the Inuit Circumpolar Council (Shadian 2013). Indigenous claims are shaping political practice, framing international legislation, and destabilizing assumptions about stateness. They seek the redistribution of rights as much as the uprooting of the concentration of power in the state. In that sense, Indigenous claims to consultation challenge the authority of states over natural resources as much as Westphalian forms of sovereignty.

Second, Indigeneity disrupts state sovereignty (Ryser 2012). The UNDRIP became the longest and most hotly debated human rights instrument in UN history because the expansion of Indigenous rights is intrinsically related to issues of state authority over territory. Rights to self-determination entail the recognition of plural forms of territorial authority in competition with states. Indigeneity is attributed to peoples who have historically been excluded from projects of state-making. Yet it contributes much more than making visible historically excluded groups. It refers to a politics that both precedes the state and lies outside of it. It is the constitutive “other” of the modern state, marked by a co-constitutive history that explains why Indigenous politics vary depending on different processes of state-formation. Consequently, Indigeneity is vital to a discipline dedicated to studying relations among states precisely because it is intrinsically related to state-formation. Standing outside of, and prior to, the state makes Indigenous standpoints valuable in terms of thinking critically about world politics and imagining what post-national political assemblages may look like (Sassen 2008).

Finally, Indigeneity is a strategic perspective in expanding scholarly debates on what constitutes IR. Indigenous experiences complement and broaden official national histories with forgotten or repressed narratives (O’Brien 2010), thus expanding methodological assumptions on how to do IR (Jackson 2010). Its precedence over the modern state encompasses alternative worldviews to think about the international beyond stateness. Indigeneity thus defies core epistemological foundations about power. In particular, it historicizes the state and sovereignty, moving away from Eurocentric conceptions of the world (Hobson 2012) and breaking with the discipline’s unreflective tendencies (Tickner 2013). The vibrancy of Indigenous struggles not only confirms the inadequacy of the state, echoing calls to provincialize Europe’s political legacies (Chakrabarty 2000), but it also provides concrete experiences of what the international can actually look like within and beyond the state (Tickner and Blaney 2013). Indigeneity is therefore doubly valuable for world politics. In addition to contributing alternative praxis of the international, it instigates critical theory to expand disciplinary borders.

Conclusion

Indigeneity is a valuable category of analysis for world politics. Indigenous experiences offer a fuller understanding of the world we live in. Integrating indigenous perspectives in the study of IR speaks to the ability to extend our political practice beyond the ivory tower. It is not a category of analysis that concerns merely Indigenous peoples, just as racism is not a matter for people of African descent only, or post-colonial studies the domain of previously colonized societies. The entire thrust of Indigeneity is that the non-state is the business of the state, and that there are alternative pathways available to decolonize the discipline.

Stripping IR of its state-centrism invites us to reflect upon the entrenched colonialism of international relations. Indigenous perspectives will hopefully inspire scholars to adventure beyond the conventional borders of the discipline. After all, opening an alternative locus of authority is nothing short of revolutionary.

Article originally published in E-IR’s free-to-download Edited Collection, Restoring Indigenous Self Determination: Theoretical and Practical Approaches. Republished under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) license

References
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Madrid, R.L. (2012) The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Latin America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Morgan, R. (2011) Transforming Law and Institution: Indigenous Peoples, the United Nations and Human Rights. Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate.
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Self-Determination as Anti-Extractivism
Ryser, R.C. (2012) Indigenous Nations and Modern States: The Political Emergence of Nations Challenging State Power. New York: Routledge.
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1 A delegation from the Red Sucker Lake First Nation descended on the work camp of Mega Precious Metals, Inc., a mineral exploration company, to stop them from working and demand that they vacate the land immediately. The Mathias Colomb First Nation issued a similar order to Hudbay Mining and Smelting Co., Ltd. and the Province of Manitoba.
2 According to the company’s own social and environmental impact report, the Marlin mine consumes about 250 thousand liters of water every hour (MacLeod and Pérez 2013).

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Chris Hedges

Tod@s debemos ser zapatistas

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We All Must Become Zapatistas, By Chris Hedges

We All Must Become Zapatistas

Posted on Jun 1, 2014

By Chris Hedges

Subcomandante Marcos, the spokesman for the Zapatistas (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, or EZLN), has announced that his rebel persona no longer exists. He had gone from being a “spokesman to a distraction,” he said last week. His persona, he said, fed an easy and cheap media narrative. It turned a social revolution into a cartoon for the mass media. It allowed the commercial press and the outside world to ignore traditional community leaders and indigenous commanders and wrap a movement around a fictitious personality. His persona, he said, trivialized a movement. And so this persona is no more.

“The entire system, but above all its media, plays the game of creating celebrities who it later destroys if they don’t yield to its designs,” Marcos declared.

The Zapatistas form the most important resistance movement of the last two decades. They are a visible counterweight to the despoiling and rape of the planet and the subjugation of the poor by global capitalism. And they have repeatedly reinvented themselves—as Marcos has now done—to survive. The Zapatistas gave global resistance movements a new language, drawn in part from the indigenous communal Mayan culture, and a new paradigm for action. They understood that corporate capitalism had launched a war against us. They showed us how to fight back. The Zapatistas began by using violence, but they soon abandoned it for the slow, laborious work of building 32 autonomous, self-governing municipalities. Local representatives from Juntas de Buen Gobierno, or Councils of Good Government, which is not recognized by the Mexican government, preside over these independent Zapatista communities. The councils oversee community programs that distribute food, set up clinics and schools and collect taxes. Resources are for those who live in the communities, not for the corporations that come to exploit them. And in this the Zapatistas allow us to see the future, at least a future where we have a chance of surviving. (Continuar leyendo…)

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