Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Fourteenth Part and Second Approach Alert:
The (other) Rule of the Excluded Third

November 2023

The meeting was a year ago. One early morning in November. It was cold. Subcommander Insurgent Moisés arrived at the Captaincy chamber (yes, you are not wrong, by that time SupGaleano had already died, only his death had not been made public). The meeting with the bosses had ended late, and the SubMoy took time to stop by and ask me about what I had progressed in the analysis that had to be presented the next day at the assembly. The moon was moving lazily towards its first quarter and the world population reached 8 billion. Three notes appeared in my notebook:

The richest man in Mexico, Carlos Slim, to a group of students: “now, what I see for all of you is a buoyant Mexico with sustained growth, with many opportunities for job creation and economic activities” (November 10, 2022). (Note: perhaps he refers to Organized Crime as an economic activity that generates employment. And with export goods).

“(…) the number of people who are currently reported missing in Mexico, since 1964, now amounts to 107,201; that is, 7 thousand more than last May, when the 100 thousand threshold was exceeded. (November 7, 2022). (Note: Seek for the seekers).

In Israel, the UN set the number of Palestinian prisoners at around 5,000, including 160 children, according to the report by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967. Netanyahu takes over as head of the government for the third time. (November 2022). (Note: he who sows winds will reap storms).

-*-

A crack as a project.

It was not the first time we had discussed the topic. What’s more, during the last few moons it had been the constant: the diagnosis that would help the assembly make a decision about “what’s next.” They had also been discussing this for months, but the idea-proposal of Subcommander Insurgent Moisés had not landed jet, or materialized. It was still a kind of intuition.

«It’s not that all the doors are closed,» I began. – There are no doors. All those that appear as “true” do not lead anywhere other than to the starting point. Any attempted route is just a trip through a labyrinth that, at best, takes you back to the beginning. At worst, to disappearance.

So? SubMoy asked, lighting the umpteenth cigarette.

-Well, I think you’re right, all that remains is to open a crack. It’s not good to look elsewhere. You have to make a door. It’s going to take time, yes. And it’s going to cost a lot. But yes, it is possible. Although not just anyone. What you are thinking, no one, ever. I myself didn’t think I would get even to hear it – I pointed out.

SubMoy remained thoughtful for a while, looking at the floor of the champa, full of cigarette butts, tobacco residue from the pipe, a burnt match, wet mud, some broken twigs.

Then he got up and, heading to the door, he only said: «Well, there’s no way, we need to see… what’s missing is yet to come.»

-*-

Failure as a goal.

To understand what that brief dialogue meant, I must explain a part of my job as captain. In this case, a work that I inherited from the late SupGaleano, who in turn received it from the late SupMarcos.

A thankless, dark and painful task: foreseeing the Zapatista failure.

If you are considering an initiative, I look for everything that could make it fail, or, at least, reduce its impact. Look for the contradictory opposite. Let’s say something like “Marcos Contreras”. I am, therefore, the maximum and only representative of the “pessimistic wing” of Zapatismo.

The objective is to attack the initiatives with all types of objections from the moment they begin to be born. We suppose that this causes this proposal to be refined and consolidated, whether it be an internal organizational, or an external initiative, be it a combination of these two.

To put it clearly: Zapatismo prepares itself to fail. That is, it imagines the worst-case scenario. With that horizon in perspective, plans are drawn up and proposals detailed.

To conceive these “future failures”, the sciences that we have at our disposal are used. You have to look everywhere (and when I say “everywhere” I mean everywhere, including social networks and their bot farms, fake news and the tricks that are carried out to get “followers”), obtain the greatest amount of data and information, cross it and thus obtain the diagnosis of what the perfect storm would be and its result.

You must try to understand that it is not about building a certainty, but rather a terrible hypothesis. In terms of the deceased: “suppose everything goes to shit.” Contrary to what one may believe, this catastrophe does not include our disappearance, but something worse: the extinction of the human species. Well, at least as we conceive it today.

This catastrophe is imagined and we begin to look for data that confirms it. Real data, not the prophecies of Nostradamus or the biblical Apocalypse or equivalent. That is, scientific data. Scientific publications, financial data, trends, records of facts, and many publications are then used.

From this hypothetical future, the clock is set in reverse.

-*-

The rule of the excluded third.

Already in possession of the drawing of the collapse and its inevitability, the rule of the excluded third begins to work.

No, it is not the known one. This is an invention of the late SupMarcos. In his time as a lieutenant, he said that, in the event of a failure, a solution was first attempted; second, a correction; and third, since there was no third, it remained as “there is no remedy.” Later, he refined that rule until he reached the one that I now explain to you: if a hypothesis is supported by true data and scientific analysis, it is necessary to look for two elements that contradict the aforementioned hypothesis in its essence. If these two elements are found, the third is no longer sought, then the hypothesis must be reconsidered or confronted with the most severe judge: reality.

I clarify that, when the Zapatistas say “reality,” they include their actions in that reality. What you call “practice”.

I then apply that same rule. If I find at least 2 elements that contradict my hypothesis, then I abandon the search, discard that hypothesis and look for another one.

The complex hypothesis.

My hypothesis is: there is no solution.

Notes:

Balanced coexistence between humans and nature is now impossible. In the confrontation, the one who has the most time will win: nature. Capital has turned the relationship with nature into a confrontation, a war of plunder and destruction. The objective of this war is the annihilation of the opponent, nature in this case (humanity included). With the criterion of “planned obsolescence” (or “expected expiration”), the commodity “human beings” expires in each war.

The logic of capital is that of greater profit at maximum speed. This causes the system to become a gigantic waste machine, including human beings. In the storm, social relations are disrupted and unproductive capital throws millions into unemployment and, from there, into “alternative employment” in crime, and into migration. The destruction of territories includes depopulation. The “phenomenon” of migration is not the prelude to the catastrophe, it is its confirmation. Migration produces the effect of “nations within nations”, large migratory caravans colliding with walls made of concrete, of police, military walls; criminal walls, bureaucratic walls, racial and economic walls.

When we talk about migration, we forget the other migration that precedes it on the calendar. That of original populations in their own territories, now converted into merchandises. Have the Palestinian people not become migrants who must be expelled from their own land? Doesn’t the same thing happen with the indigenous peoples around the world?

In Mexico, for example, the native communities are the “strange enemy” that dares to “desecrate” the soil of the system’s farm, located between the Bravo and the Suchiate. To combat this “enemy” there are thousands of soldiers and police, megaprojects, buying of consciences, repression, disappearances, murders and a veritable factory of guilty people (cf. https://frayba.org.mx/). The murders of brother Samir Flores Soberanes and dozens of nature guardians define the current governmental project.

The “fear of the other” reaches levels of frank paranoia. Scarcity, poverty, misfortunes and crime are responsible for a system, but now the blame is transferred to the migrant who must be fought until annihilated.

In “politics” alternatives and offers are offered, each one falser than the next. New cults, nationalisms – new, old or recycled -, the new religion of social networks and its neo prophets: the “influencers”. And war, always war.

The crisis of politics is the crisis of alternatives to chaos. The frenetic succession in governments of right wing, extreme right wing, the non-existent center, and what is presumptuously called «left», is only a reflection of a changing market: if there are new models of cell phones, why not «new” political options?

Nation-States become customs agents of capital. There are no governments, there is only one Border Patrol with different colors and different flags. The dispute between the “Fat State” and the “Starving State” is just a failed concealment of its original nature: repression.

Capital begins to replace neoliberalism as a theoretical-ideological alibi, with its logical consequence: neo-Malthusianism. That is, the war of annihilation of large populations to achieve the well-being of modern society. War is not an irregularity of the machine, it is the “regular maintenance” that will ensure its operation and duration. The radical reduction in demand to compensate for supply limitations.

It would not be about social neo-Darwinism (the strong and rich become stronger and richer, and the weak and poor become weaker and poorer), or Eugenics, which was one of the ideological alibis for the Nazi war of extermination of the Jewish people. Or not only. It would be a global campaign to annihilate the majority population of the world: the dispossessed. Dispossess them of life too. If the planet’s resources are not sufficient and there is no spare planet (or it has not been found yet, although they are working on it), then it is necessary to drastically reduce the population. Shrink the planet through depopulation and reorganization, not only of certain territories, but of the entire world. A Nakba for the entire planet.

If the house can no longer be expanded nor is it feasible to add more floors; if the inhabitants of the basement want to go up to the ground floor, raid the cupboard, and, horror!, they do not stop reproducing; if “ecological paradises” or “self-sustaining” (in reality they are just “panic rooms” of capital) are not enough; if those on the first floor want the rooms on the second and so on; in short, if “modern civilization” and its core (private ownership of the means of production, circulation and consumption), is in danger; well, then you have to expel tenants – starting with those in the basement – until “balance” is achieved.

If the planet is depleted of resources and territories, a kind of «diet» follows to reduce the obesity of the planet. Searching for another planet is having unforeseen difficulties. A space race is foreseeable, but its success is still a very big unknown. Wars, on the other hand, have demonstrated their “effectiveness.”

The conquest of territories brought the exponential growth of the «surplus», «excluded», or «expendable». The wars over distribution continue. Wars have a double advantage: they revive war production and its subsidiaries, and eliminate those surpluses in an expeditious and irremediable manner.

Nationalisms will not only re-emerge or have new breath (hence the coming and going of far-right political offers), they are the necessary spiritual basis for wars. “The person responsible for your shortcomings is whoever is next to you. That’s why your team loses.» The logic of the “cliques”, “gangs” and “hooligans” -national, racial, religious, political, ideological, gender-, encouraging medium, large and small wars in size, but with the same objective of purification.

Ergo: capitalism does not expire, it only transforms.

The Nation-State long ago stopped fulfilling its function as a territory-government-population with common characteristics (language, currency, legal system, culture, etc.). National States are now the military positions of a single army, that of the capital cartel. In the current global crime system, governments are the “Jefes de plaza” that maintain control of a territory. The political fight, electoral or not, is to see who is promoted to head of the plaza. The “cobro de piso” is through taxes and budgets for campaigns and the electoral process. Disorganized crime thus finances its reproduction, although its inability to offer its subjects security and justice is increasingly evident. In modern politics, the heads of national cartels are decided by elections.

A new society does not emerge from this bundle of contradictions. The catastrophe is not followed by the end of the capitalist system, but by a different form of its predatory character. The future of capital is the same as its patriarchal past and presents: exploitation, repression, dispossession and contempt. For every crisis, the system always has a war at hand to solve that crisis. Therefore: it is not possible to outline or build an alternative to collapse beyond our own survival as indigenous communities.

The majority of the population does not see or does not believe the catastrophe is possible. Capital has managed to instill immediatism and denialism in the basic cultural code of those below.

Beyond some native communities, peoples in resistance and some groups and collectives, it is not possible to build an alternative that goes beyond the local minimum.

The prevalence of the notion of the Nation-State in the imaginary below is an obstacle. It keeps struggles separate, isolated, fragmented. The borders that separate them are not only geographical.

-*-

The Contradictions.

Notes:

First series of contradictions:

The struggle of the brothers from the Cholulteca region against the Bonafont company, in Puebla, Mexico (2021-2022). Seeing that their springs were drying up, the residents turned to look at the person responsible: the Bonafont company, from Danone. They organized and took over the bottling plant. The springs were recovered and water and life returned to their lands. Nature thus responded to the action of its defenders and confirmed what the peasants said: the company deprecated water. The repressive force that evicted them, after a time, could not hide the reality: the people defended life, and the company and the government defended death. Mother Earth responded to the question like this: there is a remedy, I correspond with life to those who defend my existence; we can coexist if we respect and care for each other.

The pandemic (2020). The animals recovered their position in some abandoned urban territories, although it was momentary. The water, the air, the flora and fauna had a break and remade themselves, although they were once again overwhelmed in a short time. They thus indicated who the invader was.

The Journey for Life (2021). In the East, that is, in Europe, there are examples of resistance to destruction and, above all, of building another relationship with Mother Earth. The reports, stories and anecdotes are too many for these notes, but they confirm that the reality there is not only that of xenophobia and the idiocy and petulance of their governments. We hope to find similar efforts in other geographies.

Therefore: balanced coexistence with nature is possible. There must be more examples of this. Note: look for more data, review the Extemporánea reports again upon returning from the Journey for Life – Europe Chapter, what did they see at and what did they learn, follow the actions of the CNI and other organizations and movements of sister indigenous peoples in the World. Pay attention to alternatives in urban areas.

Partial conclusion: the contradictions detected put one of the premises of the complex hypothesis in crisis, but not yet the essence. The so-called “green capitalism” could well absorb or supplant these resistances.

Second series of contradictions:

The existence and persistence of the Sixth and the people, groups, collectives, teams, organizations, movements united in the Declaration for Life. And many more people in many places. There are those who resist and rebel, and try to find themselves. But it is necessary to search. And that is what the Seekers teach us: seeking is a necessary, urgent, vital struggle. With everything against them, they cling to the remotest hope.

Partial conclusion: the mere possibility, minimal, tiny, improbable up to a ridiculous percentage, that resistance and rebellion coincide, makes the machine stumble. It is not its destruction, it is true. Not yet. The scarlet witches will be decisive.

The percentage probability of the triumph of life over death is ridiculous, yes. Then there are options: resignation, cynicism, the cult of the immediate (“carpe diem” as vital support).

And yet, there are those who defy walls, borders, rules… and the law of probabilities.

Third series of contradictions: Not necessary. The Excluded Third Rule applies.

General conclusion: therefore, another hypothesis must be raised.

-*-

Ah! Did you think that the initiative or step that the Zapatista people announced was the disappearance of MAREZ and JBG, the inversion of the pyramid and the birth of the GAL?

Well, I’m sorry to ruin your peace of mind. It is not so. Go back to before the so-called “Fist Part” and the discussion about the motives of wolves and shepherds. Already there? Now put this:

Permissu et gratia a praelatis dico vobis visiones mirabiles et terribiles quas oculi mei in his terris viderunt. 30 Anno Resistentise, et prima luce diei viderunt imagines et sonos, quod nunquam antea viderant, et tamen litteras meas semper intuebantur.  Manus scribit et cor dictat.  Erat mane et supra, cicadae et stellae pugnabant pro terra…

With the permission and grace of the superiors I tell you the wonderful and terrible visions which my eyes have seen in these lands. In the year 30 of the resistance, and at the first light of the day they saw images and sounds which they had never seen before, and yet they always looked at my letters. The hand writes and the heart dictates. It was dawn and above, crickets and starlings were fighting for the land…

The Captain.

He did not appear then because you did not know about the death of SupGaleano, nor about the other necessary deaths. But that’s how we Zapatistas are: what we keep silent about is always more than what we say. As if we were determined to design a puzzle that is always unfinished, always with a pending piece, always with that extemporaneous question: what about you?

From the mountains of the Mexican southeast.

The Captain.

40, 30, 20, 10, 2, 1 year later.

P.S.- So what is missing? Well… what’s missing is yet to come.

Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Fuente: Avispa Midia

Por Sare Frabes

En 2022 se cometieron al menos 768 agresiones contra 131 defensoras y 41 organizaciones que defienden el derecho de las mujeres en El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México y Nicaragua. Tres de estas defensoras fueron asesinadas: Grisell Pérez Rivera y Jasibhe Natalie Díaz Morales en México, y Nesly Consuegra Monterroso en Guatemala. Los datos son del registro mesoamericano de agresiones contra defensoras de la Iniciativa Mesoamericana de Mujeres Defensoras de Derechos Humanos (IM-Defensoras), organización que articula a casi 3 mil defensoras y 300 organizaciones en Mesoamérica.

La mayoría de estas agresiones, 500, tuvieron carácter colectivo, frente a las 154 que estuvieron dirigidas contra defensoras a nivel personal y 112 contra organizaciones o grupos. Alrededor de 56% de las agresiones se dieron en el espacio público, principalmente en la calle. Una de cada diez se perpetró a través de medios virtuales o electrónicos como redes sociales, teléfonos, correos electrónicos o aplicaciones de mensajería de texto.

Los Estados aparecen como los principales agresores de las defensoras, siendo identificados como responsables en más de la mitad de las agresiones (56,1%) a través de fuerzas de seguridad y autoridades públicas de diferentes niveles. Por otro lado, uno de cada cinco perpetradores (20%) es desconocido, ya sea porque no se identifica a la persona que realiza la agresión directa presencial o porque se trata de un usuario virtual desconocido.

Las defensoras y sus organizaciones son quienes acompañan a las víctimas de la violencia machista, quienes denuncian ante las autoridades y la opinión pública, quienes llevan a cabo campañas de prevención y proporcionan albergue y protección para las mujeres y sus hijos, hijas e hijes, entre muchas otras acciones.

Para la IM-Defensoras, reconocer la importancia de su trabajo, así como garantizar que puedan manifestarse en las calles y ejercer su labor sin limitaciones y de manera segura, es urgente y vital en un contexto como el mesoamericano, donde la violencia contra las mujeres está generalizada y normalizada y donde existe una de las tasas de feminicidios y de impunidad más altas del planeta.

En los países

En México, la IM-Defensoras documentó un total de 519 agresiones contra 91 defensoras y 5 organizaciones. La mayor parte de las agresiones se dieron en acciones colectivas como las manifestaciones feministas. Adicionalmente se registraron 23 casos de abuso sexual durante acciones colectivas. La Policía aparece como la principal responsable de las agresiones en este país, 38%.

En Nicaragua, se documentaron 155 agresiones contra 17 defensoras y 35 organizaciones.  Más de la mitad de estas agresiones fueron perpetradas por autoridades públicas, 58%. Sólo en 2022, las autoridades de este país cancelaron la identidad jurídica de 30 organizaciones sociales que trabajan por los derechos de las mujeres y niñas.

En Honduras, sedocumentó 70 agresiones contra 15 defensoras. Casi la mitad de las agresiones, 47%, fueron perpetradas por una persona denunciada previamente por la defensora, o el/la abogada o personas que respalda a dicha persona.

En El Salvador, las agresiones documentadas, 14, fueron en su mayoría de carácter colectivo y dirigida a organizaciones. Los usuarios virtuales desconocidos fueron los principales agresores, seguidos de instituciones del Estado.

Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Thirteenth Part: TWO FOOTBALL GAMES AND THE SAME REBELLION.

“Football is the continuation of politics by other means.”
Don Durito de La Lacandona (“DD”, for legal purposes).

November 2023

I.- Eve of the Journey for Life – Europe chapter.

A football challenge has been received from a European women’s team that resists and fights.

SupGaleano has appointed himself “technical director” of the “Ixchel – Ramona” team, made up of militiawomen. As it should be, the Sup has studied the rival team. He gathers the compañeras who will make the trip. Analyzes in detail the skills and characteristics of each of the players. He goes to Subcommander Moisés and gives his diagnosis: “they are going to tear us into pieces.” SubMoy looks at it with a “so?” face, as if taking it for granted. But the now deceased has not finished: “But I have a secret plan, as Dení says. With that we will revolutionize football and redefine it in its essence: the game.”

Subcommander Insurgent Moisés, coordinator of the tour, is quite busy with the preparation courses, birth certificates, passports and the design of the route to follow, so he leaves SupGaleano to proceed “at his discretion.” The future deceased smiles and says: “Discretion is my second last name” (don’t ask me what his first last name was because it would take several pages to explain it to you).

The deceased in the making begins the preparation of the women’s team. But, for his strategy to be successful, he needs the support of the fearsome, terrible and terrifying “Popcorn Commando”, which, at that moment, is trying to open a hole in the training ship in which the so-called “Squadron 421” was prepared. Disillusioned because, before finishing the work below the waterline, the ship had been transformed into an imposing two-engine plane, they went to consult with SupGaleano what they could do to set the aircraft on fire. The Sup convinced them that it was not advisable to burn it, that it was better to wait until it was in full flight to shoot it down from within. The beloved Amado and Chinto objected: if the plane falls, Commando Palomitas will also fall. The Sup responded that it was not the time to dwell on trifles. Furthermore, the Command was required for a higher task, than sabotaging an air trip that did not even complete the payment for the tickets, not to mention the lack of passports, and that the majority of the so-called “Division Aerotransportada La Extemporánea” was getting dizzy in the truck.

When the Popcorn Commando, the Sup, Tzotz, Tragón and Pelusa met in the ultra-secret bunker that is in the Puy platform of the Tzotz Choj area, they proceeded to refine the details of what, from then on, would be known worldwide as the “Brilliant and Excellent Plan to Defeat a Rival Better Prepared, Trained and Equipped than Us” (BEPDRMPEEN, for its acronym in Spanish), subtitle “And that they have better technique and control of the ball.”

The top secret meeting continued its normal course. That is to say, Chuy took away Lupita’s chamoy lollypop, Verónica gave Chuy a slap and, as if it were the Supreme Government, she kept Chuy’s lollypop, Lupita’s and her own. El Chinto and the beloved Amado insisted that their bicycles had broken down “just like that” and that the Monarch had to fix them. Pelusa, Tragón and Tzotz looked at the table looking for cookies, and Sup gave a master class on “How to win a soccer game with everything against you.”

The apparent chaos subsided when the Sup took out, from who knows where, a box of “Choki The Devil’s Cookie”, and only then – after 5 packages had been dispatched – the missions were distributed, the schedule was made, and they stuffed themselves with the sixth package “in honor of the future fallen men.” “And women,” Chuy felt obliged to add, only to receive from Verónica another zap model “gender equality does not apply in misfortune.” Lupita approved the action with the chamoy lollypop that Sup gave her so she wouldn’t continue crying.

The “three times T” Popcorn Command, the Sup and the canine wing of the command then went to the hotbed and, with the militia members gathered, the new “passive-aggressive” scheme was explained and practiced, which, as it should be, had in a leading role the aforementioned Command.

Following the old and proven Zapatista rule of “Do not play with the enemy’s rules”, the Sup developed a kind of mixture of rugby, with nineteenth-century dramaturgy, with some Anime, with cinema very much like Hollywood corner with Cannes, with Monet’s impressionism, a pinch of Allan Poe crossed with Conan Doyle, something of Cervantes’ epic, the brevity of Joyce, the perspective of Buñuel, a pinch of Brecht mixed with Beckett, the seasoning of some tacos al pastor, a very rebajada cumbia, Anita Tijoux and Shadia Mansour breaking borders -free Palestine-, and, well, I didn’t take note of everything, but the only thing missing was the ball.

The strategy in question had 3 phases:

The first was that Verónica grabbed a Zapatista doll and headed determinedly towards the opposing goal, she stood in front of the enemy goalkeeper and spoke to her in Cho’ol. The goalkeeper, of course, world not understand anything, but there stood Lupita and Esperanza Zapatista who would translate with signs that the girl was giving her the doll. And Esperanza, as her name indicates, offered to take a photo with the girl and the doll. For the photo, they should tell the goaly to put the ball down, because Verónica wanted her to hug her. At the moment this happened, Esperanza kicked the ball “into the back of the net” and the entire team shouted “Goal!” It was practiced countless times with success. The only thing that could not be achieved was for Verónica not to take the doll from the goalkeeper and run away.

The second variant consisted of the Zapatista goalkeeper receiving the ball, placing it under her sports shirt, as if she were pregnant, and beginning to walk as if pregnant. The entire Zapatista team came to help her and take her to medical services. Of course, since they were in foreign territory, the teammates made a mistake and went to face the enemy goal, where, miraculously, the Zapatista goalkeeper dropped the ball that, barely rolling, went beyond the enemy line and gave birth to a Goal that he forgot from Messi and Cristiano. Meanwhile, the TTT Popcorn Commando surrounded the sister responsible for the board and “exhorted” her to accept the goal achieved “with the sacrifice of the Zapatista comrade and her little ball.”

The third variant implied a risk for the protagonist, since she had to fake fainting. It was practiced only once in the seedbed because the terrain there is gravel (stone and sand), and it was expected that there would be grass in the enemy field. The compañera had to faint in the middle of the field. Subcommander Moisés, alarmed, would run to see his companion and, with him, the entire Zapatista bench would run. All the compañeras cried out, in their respective mother tongues, for medical service. As expected, the enemy would have no medical service, so a stretcher would be prepared in advance. The referee would like to call the paramedics, but SubMoisés would allege practices and customs of the native peoples, so the Zapatistas themselves lift the fainted woman and place her on the stretcher. Confused by the pain and sorrow of seeing their sister fall in combat, the militia members would not succeed in heading to the bench carrying the stretcher, so they would end up reaching the enemy goal. At that moment, the first gods, those who made the world, would do their work and the injured compa would wake up without the need for any male toad, commoner or royalty, to kiss her, and she would find the ball at her feet, just on the goal line and with a kick she would seal the fate. It was to be expected that, animated by the joy of seeing their companion safe, the militiawomen would shout “Goal!” By that time, the Popcorn Commando would already be at the foot of the scoreboard to ensure that life was celebrated.

I don’t really remember the fourth – I know I said there were 3, but weren’t the three musketeers actually 4? -, although it was similar in wit, creativity and mischief to the other three.

According to what the militia women told me upon their return, in the territories they call “Italy” and “Spanish State”, the enemy sisters quickly understood what the matter was about and began to play with the same style. I don’t know whether FIFA could classify it as football but, judging by the photos and videos they showed me, it was a party. Result: there was no winner or loser… and Verónica returned with the doll that, presumably, belonged to the now deceased SupGaleano. No, she didn’t give it back.

“And that was the message for geographies around the world: do not play with your enemy’s rules, create your own rules,” SupGaleano declared to me before his last sigh.

-*-

II.- How many Cyprus can fit in a soccer game?

This was told to me by Subcommander Insurgent Moisés, when he told me details and anecdotes from the so-called “Europe chapter” of the Journey for Life. What I tell below is what I managed to rescue from the narration, full of admiration and respect, of Subcommander Moisés.

“There is a geography called Cyprus. Well, it’s broken, that is, in pieces. There are Cypriots, there are Greek Cypriots and there are Turkish Cypriots and I don’t remember how many more people have the last name Cypriot. The capitalists divided that land, cut it into pieces. And they also cut up their people, their language, their history, their culture. And it turns out that, although it is a small island, all the money wants it and, as they do, they divide it, but each party wants the other’s share. In other words, in the midst of the powerful and their wars, the people remain.

Well, then there is a soccer team in that geography called Cyprus. They have good players and they are professionals. So their job is to play soccer. So they are losing several games and they meet among themselves to analyze and they say that they are losing because the games’ strategy is wrong. They go and tell the owner of the team, that is, the boss, that they are losing because of that, that they already thought of a better strategy and that way they will win more games.

The boss, that is, the owner of the team, looks at them with contempt and tells them: “you win or lose as it suits me. Sometimes it suits me that you lose and that’s how it will continue.»

The players know how to play very well, but they also have a good heart. So, as they say, they rebel. They tell themselves resistance and rebellion, but in their language. And they send the owner of the team, that is, the boss, to hell. Then they make their own soccer team. And they organize themselves and make a stadium. That land is divided, so, in the middle, they say “no man’s land”, they make their stadium there and then they invite anyone who wants to play and practice. The other groups and collectives that fight, support them and are well organized. It doesn’t matter if you are Cypriot, Greek Cypriot, Turkish Cypriot or Cypriot I don’t know what. There is no charge, it is voluntary what each person wants to give. So, as they say, the pay is not what matters. So, from time to time they have their matches and there are no divisions of nationalities, no religions, no flags, there is only football. And it’s like a party.

In other words, as they say, those brothers broke those boundaries that the bosses and owners put in place.

“So they kind of made their Caracol. They have a football Caracol! I told them let’s see when we can have a soccer game there in their land or here in no man’s land,» says Subcommander Insurgent Moisés, spokesperson for the Zapatista communities, chief of the EZLN, and coordinator of the Journey for Life.

-*-

1. Cheers and that the games, like the rides, are not a competition but rather excuses to coexist among different people.

I attest
From the mountains of the Mexican southeast.

The Captain
Mexico, November 2023. 40, 30, 20, 10, 2 years later.

Music: «Somos Sur», for Ana Tijoux and Shadia Mansour
Images of the soccer match between the Ixchel-Ramona team and the enemy Italian sisters taken in the geography they call Rome, Italy, in November 2021. Added to images of mobilization of the Zapatista peoples against the wars in 2022. Tercios Compas . Copyleft November 2023

Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Al CCRI-CG-EZLN

Al Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional

A la Comisión Sexta del EZLN

Al SubComandante Insurgente Moisés

Al Capitán Insurgente Marcos

A los Gobiernos Autónomos Locales, GAL

A los Colectivos de Gobiernos Autónomos Zapatistas, CGAZ

A las Asambleas de Colectivos de Gobiernos Autónomos ZAPATISTAS, ACGAZ

Al Congreso Nacional Indígena-Concejo Indígena de Gobierno

A Ma. de Jesús Patricio Martínez, Vocera del CNI-CIG

A los Pueblos del Mundo que resisten contra el sistema Capitalista y Patriarcal

A los Pueblos, Tribus, Naciones, Comunidades y Barrios Originarios

que nunca fueron conquistados

A la Sexta Nacional e Internacional

A las Redes de Resistencia y Rebeldía

A la Europa Insumisa, Digna y Rebelde

A quienes suscribieron la Declaración por la Vida

A las Madres y Padres de nuestros 43 Normalistas de Ayotzinapa

A los medios libres, independientes, alternativos o como se llamen…

Hermanas y hermanos, tod@s

A 40 años de la fundación del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN y

en la víspera de cumplir 30 años del Levantamiento Zapatista…,

NOSOSTR@S DECIMOS, NO ESTÁN SOL@S

Seguiremos caminando con Resistencia y Rebeldía, seguiremos construyendo un mundo donde quepan muchos mundos, seguiremos luchando contra este sistema capitalista y patriarcal que impone militarización, para salvaguardar sus megaproyectos de muerte y destrucción, seguiremos resistiendo, porque nuestra lucha es contra el despojo del territorio, la madres tierra y la vida.

Hoy, en el marco de sus cumpleaños número 40, y asumiendo que Dení somos tod@s, ustedes nos han dichos de manera muy puntual… “Ya podemos sobrevivir a la tormenta como comunidades zapatistas que somos. Pero ahora se trata no sólo de eso, sino de atravesar ésta y otras tormentas que vienen, atravesar la noche, y llegar a esa mañana, dentro de 120 años, donde una niña empieza a aprender que ser libre es también ser responsable de esa libertad”

Nostr@s, desde la Casa de los Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas “Samir Flores Soberanes”, después de 531 años de resistencia y rebeldía, hace tres años decidimos tomar las oficinas del “indigenismos oficial, lugar donde despachaba el traidor de los pueblos, Adelfo Regino Montes, quien simulaba, representar a los pueblos y no los representa; nunca diseñó ni promovió políticas, programas, y acciones públicas que garantizaran los derechos de los pueblos originarios y las comunidades indigenas, al contrario oficializó e institucionalizó el despojo de la Madres Tierra.

Herman@s del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, les decimos y reiteramos, que tomamos el INPI, también como un acto de repudio a los ataques paramilitares y a la guerra contrainsurgente en contra del EZLN y las Comunidades Zapatistas; así mismo, en contra de la guerra y asesinato que se cometen contra los pueblos originarios y comunidades indígenas pertenecientes al CNI-CIG

Por todo ello, en este su cumpleaños, ratificamos nuestra vocación de lucha, resistencia y nuestro paso firme a lado de ustedes. Sabremos sortear la tormenta que vivimos en esta urbe donde solo cuentan las cifras y el Folklore como ganancia político-electoral, vivimos en una “Ciudad Innovadora y de Derechos” que solo justifica el despojo y la gentrificación; es decir, los pueblos originarios y comunidades indígenas no contamos, no nos cent no nos escuchan. Es por ello que, recordando lo que el SubComandante Insurgente Moisés, dijera en 2020…, ¿A quién le importa que un pequeño, pequeñísimo, grupo de originarios, de indígenas, viva, es decir, luche?

Sin embargo, muy a pesar de ello, de su indiferencia gubernamental, aquí estamos y resistimos.

Por tanto reiteramos que No nos Vendemos, No Claudicamos y No Traicionamos

ATENTAMENTE

Zapata Vive, la Lucha Sigue

Por la reconstitución integral de nuestros Pueblos

Viva el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional

Vivan los Gobiernos Autónomos Locales, GAL

Vivan los Colectivos de Gobiernos Autónomos Zapatistas, CGAZ

Vivan las Asambleas de Colectivos de Gobiernos Autónomos ZAPATISTAS, ACGAZ

Nunca más una Ciudad sin sus pueblos y comunidades indígenas

Desde la Casa de los Pueblos y Comunidades Indígenas “Samir Flores Soberanes”

COMUNIDAD INDÍGENA OTOMÍ RESIDENTE EN LA CDMX

Ciudad de México a 17 de noviembre de 2023

Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Fuente: Avispa Midia

^{por CrimethInc}

Desde el 7 de octubre, el ejército israelí ha matado a más de 10.000 personas en Palestina, casi la mitad de las cuales eran niños y niñas. En respuesta, personas de todo el mundo se han movilizado en solidaridad. Muchas personas están buscando formas de proceder, desde exigir un alto el fuego hasta utilizar la acción directa para impedir que el gobierno de Estados Unidos canalice armas a Israel. A pesar del frío reinante el lunes 6 de noviembre, varios centenares de personas se presentaron en el puerto de Tacoma, en el estado de Washington, para bloquear el acceso a un buque de transporte marítimo que tenía previsto entregar material al ejército israelí.

En el siguiente texto, los y las participantes repasan la historia de los bloqueos portuarios en el estrecho de Puget, comparten su experiencia en la protesta y tratan de ofrecer inspiración para continuar la solidaridad transoceánica.

Aumento de la resistencia

El jueves 2 de noviembre, manifestantes que protestaban contra los bombardeos y la invasión de Gaza bloquearon una autopista en Durham (Carolina del Norte) y cerraron la 30th Street Station de Filadelfia. A primera hora del viernes 3 de noviembre, en el puerto de Oakland (California), los y las manifestantes consiguieron embarcar en el buque de la Flota de Reserva de Estados Unidos Cape Orlando, que tenía previsto partir hacia Tacoma para recoger material militar con destino a Israel. El Cape Orlando es propiedad del Departamento de Transporte, está dirigido por el Departamento de Defensa y es gestionado y tripulado por marinos comerciales. Tras un enfrentamiento que duró horas, los guardacostas consiguieron finalmente sacar a los y las manifestantes del barco.

Después se corrió la voz de que habría otra protesta cuando el barco llegara a Tacoma. El acto fue anunciado por una coalición de organizaciones nacionales y sus secciones locales: Falastiniyat (colectivo feminista palestino de la diáspora), Samidoun (red nacional de apoyo a presos y presas palestinas) y el Arab Resource & Organizing Center, que también había participado en la organización de la protesta de Oakland.

La movilización de Tacoma estaba prevista inicialmente para las 14.30 horas del domingo 5 de noviembre, pero las personas organizadoras cambiaron la hora debido a la información actualizada sobre la llegada del barco, pidiendo que la gente se presentara a las 5 de la mañana del lunes. A pesar del temor a que el cambio de última hora restara ímpetu a la manifestación, varios centenares de manifestantes acudieron esa mañana. El bloqueo en sí consistió en un piquete continuo en múltiples puntos, reforzado por bastantes conductores que estaban dispuestos a arriesgarse a que las autoridades confiscaran sus coches.

Se impidió a todos los trabajadores que el ILWU había desplegado para el turno de día cargar el buque. Impedir que los trabajadores portuarios lo cargaran era el objetivo del bloqueo; sin embargo, desgraciadamente, esto no impidió que la carga militar llegara al barco. Actuando como esquiroles, los militares estadounidenses intervinieron para cargarlo, aparentemente habiendo sido introducidos a hurtadillas en el puerto en buques de la Guardia Costera.

Ahora que la niebla de la guerra se disipa, podemos repasar en detalle los acontecimientos del día.

Aprovechando décadas de bloqueos portuarios

El noroeste del Pacífico tiene una larga historia de paros portuarios.

En 1984, los trabajadores portuarios del sindicato International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) se coordinaron con activistas antiapartheid y se negaron a descargar buques de carga procedentes de Sudáfrica. Entre 2006 y 2009, el movimiento Port Militarization Resistance bloqueó en repetidas ocasiones los puertos de Olympia y Tacoma para protestar contra la ocupación de Irak y Afganistán. En 2011 y 2012, los participantes en Occupy/Decolonize Seattle se organizaron en solidaridad con los trabajadores portuarios del ILWU en Longview y cerraron [el puerto de Seattle], entre otros puertos.

En 2014, los y las manifestantes bloquearon el puerto de Tacoma utilizando el lema Block the Boat, cantando “Our ports will be blocked to Israel’s ships until Gaza’s ports are free” (“Nuestros puertos estarán bloqueados a los barcos de Israel hasta que los puertos de Gaza sean libres.” Una de las participantes era la madre de Rachel Corrie, estudiante asesinada en Gaza por el ejército israelí en 2002 cuando intentaba impedir que demolieran las casas de familias palestinas.

En 2015, una activista se encadenó a un barco de apoyo a los planes de perforación petrolífera exploratoria de Royal Dutch Shell, utilizando el lema Shell No. En 2021, manifestantes de Block the Boat retrasaron durante semanas la descarga del buque ZIM San Diego, operado por Israel. El Arab Resource & Organizing Center participó en la organización de las protestas Block the Boat.

Hoy en día, el Puerto de Tacoma parece ser el punto de carga preferido para el equipo militar en la región, tal vez porque la Resistencia a la Militarización Portuaria logró cerrar con éxito la logística en el Puerto de Olympia, mientras que la policía de Tacoma pudo utilizar suficiente fuerza violenta para mantener el Puerto de Tacoma abierto para los envíos militares a Irak y Afganistán. Los diversos bloqueos portuarios fomentaron años de organización entre trabajadores del ILWU, camioneros inmigrantes marginados, ecologistas y activistas contra la guerra. Las nuevas tácticas del kayakismo surgieron de las luchas contra el extractivismo en Seattle, donde los grupos afines a la navegación lograron superar tanto a la Guardia Costera como a las organizaciones ecologistas sin ánimo de lucro que querían mantener el simbolismo. En una ocasión, un grupo de kayakistas consiguió encallar un buque de Shell sin ser detenido. Algunos participantes llevaron pancartas reforzadas a la manifestación del lunes 6 de noviembre de 2023, porque recordaban cómo la policía utilizó la fuerza para alejar a los manifestantes menos equipados durante el piquete “Bloquea el barco” en el puerto de Seattle en 2021.

A lo largo de los años, estos bloqueos portuarios han inspirado otras innovaciones en el género. En noviembre de 2017, los y las manifestantes bloquearon las vías del tren que pasan por Olympia. En un momento en el que las luchas indígenas por la protección del agua y la defensa de la tierra se intensificaban y las comunidades locales querían actuar en solidaridad, bloquear el puerto parecía un reto prohibitivo, por lo que eligieron una sección de las vías del tren a través de la cual se enviaban agentes de sostén para fracking al puerto. Esta ocupación fue posiblemente más defendible y eficaz que el bloqueo del puerto, ya que duró más de una semana. Esta puede indicar un futuro campo de experimentación.

Reunión en el puerto

El puerto de Tacoma y el cercano centro de detención del ICE están situados en una zona industrial que también alberga una academia de policía. Sólo se puede acceder a ellos a través de estrechos puntos de estrangulamiento; en el pasado, la policía los ha aprovechado para atacar y acosar a los manifestantes. La acción precedente en el puerto de Oakland tuvo lugar en un terreno más urbano; mientras los manifestantes se preparaban para el atraque del barco en Tacoma, aumentaba la preocupación por las diversas posibilidades de represión. Veteranos de la Resistencia a la Militarización del Puerto y otras personas con mentalidad logística recopilaron listas de consideraciones a tener en cuenta a la hora de llevar a cabo una acción en este puerto concreto.

El lunes por la mañana, la gente se presentó con energía positiva y pancartas reforzadas. Cientos de personas se coordinaron para traer suministros y oleadas adicionales de piquetes. El plan consistía en establecer un piquete en cada una de las tres entradas del muelle 7. Al final, la policía se adelantó. La policía bloqueó preventivamente las entradas y se sentó en sus vehículos detrás de la valla del puerto. Los y las manifestantes marcharon en círculos, coreando cánticos, mientras otros recogían material con el que crear improvisadas barricadas.

Otros y otras anarquistas permanecieron a distancia, a la espera para prestar apoyo en la cárcel y aconsejar a las personas participantes sobre las precauciones de seguridad. Otras se instalaron en el casino cercano, investigando y disipando rumores en los crecientes grupos de señalización, y ayudando a poner en contacto a la gente con los bucles de información o comunicación que necesitaban. Ya fuera de forma autónoma o en conversación con las personas organizadoras, todos hicieron lo que pudieron para contribuir al desarrollo de la acción.

La manifestación consiguió lo que algunas personas habían pensado que sería imposible: impedir que los trabajadores del ILWU cargaran el cargamento militar. Inesperadamente, esto no fue suficiente. Incluso los estibadores más experimentados se sorprendieron de que se pudiera traer a los militares para que actuaran como esquiroles cargando el barco.

¿Podríamos habernos centrado más bien en impedir que el material llegara al puerto? Según las pantallas de turnos a disposición del público, la carga que finalmente se cargó en el buque ya había llegado al puerto antes de la hora de inicio de la acción, prevista inicialmente para las 14:30 horas del 5 de noviembre. Teniendo en cuenta que el domingo por la tarde era posiblemente la más pronto para movilizar una acción de masas con tan poca antelación, no es sorprendente que se abandonara la idea de bloquear la carga en favor de bloquear a los trabajadores del ILWU. Por supuesto, si la información de que estaban entrando suministros militares en el puerto hubiera circulado antes, otra cosa podría haber sido posible.

Los y las organizadoras optaron por bloquear a los trabajadores a pesar de la tensión que ello iba a provocar con el Local 23 del ILWU. Nuestros contactos en el ILWU describen al presidente del Local 23 como un sionista; la mayoría de los trabajadores del Local 23 estaban supuestamente en contra de la acción, a pesar de respetar el piquete.El presidente llegó incluso a sugerir traer a los trabajadores del ILWU en barcos, un plan que los militares aparentemente rechazaron.

Hubo rumores de que se estaba organizando una flotilla de kayaks para impedir la salida del Orlando a la mañana siguiente. Al final, una canoa pilotada por miembros de los pueblos Puyallup, Nisqually y otros pueblos de la costa salish y acompañada por unos cuantos kayakistas bloqueó el paso del buque durante un breve espacio de tiempo el 6 de noviembre, pero el 7 de noviembre no se materializó nada.

El barco zarpó, pero un Stryker Armored Personnel Carrier que estaba programado para trabajar según las pantallas de turnos del ILWU no se cargó, presumiblemente debido al piquete. Dada la inexperiencia de la tripulación militar en la carga de contenedores marítimos, no está claro qué parte del cargamento se cargó completamente en el tiempo previsto para el barco, ya que los puertos se atienen a un horario estricto para no interrumpir las cadenas de suministro mundiales del capital.

Evaluación

Los principales organizadores recibieron comentarios en el transcurso de la protesta y adaptaron su estrategia a medida que cambiaba la situación, cambiando su comunicación para articular lo que intentaban hacer y explicar sus decisiones en lugar de apelar simplemente a su autoridad como organización o como palestinos. No obstante, algunas personas han expresado su descontento por cómo se desarrollaron los acontecimientos. Era difícil obtener información completa sobre lo que estaba ocurriendo, lo que impedía a la gente tomar sus propias decisiones y actuar de forma autónoma. Algunos anarquistas que se encontraban sobre el terreno afirman que todavía se estaba cargando el buque cuando las personas organizadoras suspendieron el acto; otras personas cuestionan la decisión de no revelar el hecho de que los militares estaban cargando el material cuando la manifestación todavía tenía número e impulso.

Es difícil determinar hasta qué punto las personas organizadoras ocultaron información intencionadamente. Creemos que es importante ofrecer comentarios constructivos y críticas basadas en principios, al tiempo que se resiste la tentación de hacer suposiciones sobre las intenciones de los demás (o, en el peor de los casos, participar en el chivateo, que puede socavar los esfuerzos para responder a la infiltración real y a las brechas de seguridad en el movimiento y, a menudo, contribuye a diagnosticar erróneamente los problemas en juego).

Cooperar con las autoridades -especialmente a expensas de otros radicales- es siempre inaceptable. Se trata de un elemento básico de los actos dominados por organizaciones autoritarias. Afortunadamente, nada de esto parece haber ocurrido durante el bloqueo del 6 de noviembre. Los que están a ambos lados de este debate deben tener cuidado de resistir reacciones viscerales y evitar proyectar malas intenciones en imaginarios “aventureros” o “policías de la paz” represivos.

Con ese espíritu, expondremos nuestra preocupación. Las personas organizadoras anunciaron simultáneamente que las armas habían sido cargadas en el barco y, al mismo tiempo, declararon la victoria. Esto da pie a sospechar que la intención original había sido “bloquear el barco” simbólicamente sin obstaculizar realmente el envío de armas, para dar la impresión de lograr una “victoria del movimiento” sin ningún impacto sustantivo. Este tipo de victorias vacías pueden desinflar los movimientos y el impulso, sembrando la desconfianza en los cientos de personas que se presentaron con poca antelación con la intención de impedir que llegaran armas a Israel. Sería mejor reconocer el fracaso, admitir que, a pesar de nuestros esfuerzos, las autoridades han conseguido su objetivo, y afirmar que tenemos que redoblar nuestros esfuerzos si queremos salvar vidas en Gaza. Necesitamos que las personas organizadoras sean sinceras con nosotras para saber a qué nos enfrentamos.

Es importante destacar que, en última instancia, fueron los militares quienes cargaron el barco, no la ILWU. Este movimiento no tenía precedentes, al igual que el espionaje militar a los manifestantes durante la Resistencia de la Militarización Portuaria. Pero no debería haber sido inesperado. A partir de ahora, debemos tener en cuenta que los militares están dispuestos a intervenir directamente en la logística del capitalismo.

Esto también pone de manifiesto una debilidad en la estrategia de bloquear un barco mediante un piquete y bloquear las calles alrededor de la terminal. Para haber detenido realmente el barco, habría sido necesaria una acción mucho más disruptiva, que podría haber incluido el asalto a la propia terminal y el riesgo de violencia policial y detenciones. Esto no quiere decir que hubiera sido práctico asaltar el puerto, ni que no haya ninguna razón para bloquear la terminal del modo en que lo hicimos. Se trata más bien de que la mecánica del capitalismo de guerra es más penetrante y adaptable que las estrategias que la gente empleó para bloquearlo en Oakland y Tacoma. Cualquier forma de escalada requerirá más militancia y tolerancia al riesgo.

Al mismo tiempo, debemos ser honestas sobre nuestras capacidades, nuestros límites y los retos a los que nos enfrentamos. Aunque mucha gente estaba preparada para participar en un piquete, asaltar una instalación segura implica consideraciones y preparación material diferentes, y exige una evaluación con la cabeza fría de los beneficios frente a las consecuencias. No debemos culpar simplemente a las personas organizadoras por el hecho de que no se produjera. Un movimiento lo suficientemente poderoso no puede ser frenado, ni siquiera por sus líderes.

Teniendo en cuenta que el ejército de Estados Unidos superó la estrategia de los piquetes -y en vista de lo mucho que está en juego en Palestina- “¿Por qué no asaltar el puerto?” podría ser un buen punto de partida para futuras estrategias. Sin embargo, a partir de este punto, van a ampliar la seguridad. Otro enfoque sería alejarse del puerto y buscar puntos de intervención fuera de él. En este sentido, el bloqueo ferroviario en Olimpia en 2017 podría ofrecer un ejemplo prometedor.

Del mismo modo, aunque deberíamos explorar formas de resolver las diferencias cuando tengamos que trabajar juntas, también podemos buscar formas de compartir información y coordinarnos mientras nos organizamos de forma autónoma. Puede que no seamos capaces de llegar a un consenso sobre qué estrategia utilizar, pero podemos explorar en qué coincidimos y en qué divergimos, adquirir y hacer circular inteligencia, y probar muchas estrategias diferentes a la vez.

La lógica y la logística del orden imperante están entrelazadas en todo el mundo. Las armas israelíes ayudaron a Azerbaiyán a invadir el enclave armenio de Nagorno-Karabaj en septiembre. Las tecnologías de vigilancia, ocupación y represión, perfeccionadas tras asediar Gaza y fragmentar Cisjordania, se despliegan a lo largo de la mortífera frontera sur de Estados Unidos. El FBI llama a empresas tecnológicas israelíes cuando necesita piratear el teléfono de alguien. Todo está conectado, desde los puertos del Mar Salado hasta la costa oriental del Mediterráneo.

Brindemos por el motín en las entrañas del imperio. Si no somos nosotras, ¿entonces quién? Si no es ahora, ¿cuándo?

Para aprender más

• El bloqueo del tren de Olympia
• Estrategias para la solidaridad con Palestina-Ampliación de la caja de herramientas de las demandas a la acción directa.
• Informe sobre el bloqueo del puerto de Tacoma
• El barco que no fue bloqueado

1.

De un periódico que apareció once días después del bloqueo ferroviario de Olympia, en el que se relatan las experiencias y motivaciones de los bloqueadores: “Llegué a casa del trabajo a las 5 de la tarde y recibí como un millón de mensajes de texto, todos diciéndome lo mismo: hay un bloqueo de trenes de fracking en el centro. En el mismo sitio que el año pasado. Baja. Estaba agotado, con frío y mojado por el trabajo, y tenía planes para hacer Shabat con amigos, pero no me perdería un bloqueo ferroviario por nada del mundo. “Shabat en el bloqueo”, les dije a mis amigos. Si detener un tren lleno de materiales utilizados en la destrucción del medio ambiente y el genocidio de los pueblos indígenas no es Tikun Olam, no sé lo que es”.

2.

Hubo cierto debate sobre si los trabajadores pararían oficialmente el trabajo por motivos de salud y seguridad, como han hecho los trabajadores sindicalizados en el pasado, pero al parecer esto no tuvo lugar oficialmente.

Sorry, this entry is only available in Mexican Spanish. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Manuel Gómez Vázquez es liberado después de 2 años, 11 meses y 7 días injustamente privado de su libertad.

El día de hoy se emitió sentencia absolutoria que ordenó la inmediata libertad para Manuel Gómez Vázquez, Base de Apoyo del #EZLN, al no comprobarse ninguna responsabilidad en la comisión del delito.

Agradecemos infinitamente la solidaridad de todas las personas, colectivos, organizaciones de derechos humanos que hicieron posible la libertad del compañero.