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Desplazamiento forzado y criminalización contra integrantes del CNI en Jotolá
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Sexual and Reproductive Violence in Palestine: Women as a Strategic Target of Genocide
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Desplazamiento forzado y criminalización contra integrantes del CNI en Jotolá
San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas
27 de febrero de 2026
Boletín No. 02
Desplazamiento forzado y criminalización contra integrantes del CNI en Jotolá
- Libertad inmediata a Francisco Moreno y María de Jesús integrantes del CNI y cancelación de las ocho ordenes de aprehensión.
- Condiciones precarias en el lugar de refugio de 8 familias, 30 personas, tseltales, entre los que se encuentran 17 menores de edad.
El Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas (Frayba) documentó el desplazamiento forzado de 30 personas tseltales, integrantes del Congreso Nacional Indígena (CNI), ocurrido el 12 de febrero de 2026 en el ejido Jotolá, municipio de Chilón, Chiapas. Ocho familias campesinas fueron obligadas a abandonar sus hogares con violencia extrema. Entre ellas se cuentan 17 niñas y niños, una mujer embarazada, dos personas adultas mayores y dos menores de edad con discapacidad.
A las ocho de la mañana fue la detención de Francisco Moreno Hernández (Francisco) por la Policía Municipal. En un segundo momento a las 11.00 hrs., aproximadamente cien personas irrumpieron en la tierra donde tenían sus casas y hacían la vida las ocho familias que están desplazadas. Entre los agresores se identificó la participación de la Guardia Estatal, la Policía Municipal de Chilón, funcionarios del Instituto Nacional de los Pueblos Indígenas (INPI) y del Tribunal Unitario Agrario.
El desplazamiento forzado interno dejó cinco casas destruidas, pertenencias robadas y quemadas, animales domésticos asesinados y al menos tres personas sometidas a tortura, tratos crueles, inhumanos y degradantes, en ese momento fue detenida María de Jesús Sánchez (Maria de Jesús), durante el traslado fue torturada por un elemento de la Fiscalía Indígena y amenazada con ser desaparecida.
La violencia no terminó con el desplazamiento. Se profundizó en actos de criminalización y judicialización contra integrantes del CNI. Ese día Francisco y María de Jesús fueron puestos a disposición ante el Juzgado de Control de Yajalón, en el que se les señalo que estaban acusados del delito de despojo agravado.
El martes 17 de febrero continuó la audiencia, en la cual el Juez vinculó a proceso a las personas imputadas. A Francisco se le impuso la medida cautelar de prisión preventiva justificada, pese a que la Fiscalía no argumentó la necesidad de dicha medida, siendo esta la más lesiva. Actualmente se encuentra privado de su libertad en el Centro Estatal de Reinserción Social de Sentenciados de Yajalón No. 12. Por su parte, a María de Jesús se le impuso la medida cautelar de firma periódica semanal.
Estas acciones forman parte de una estrategia de represión contra quienes defienden la tierra y se niegan a privatizarla. La participación de estas autoridades y actores locales en este evento constituye una grave violación a los derechos humanos.
A lo anterior se suman ocho órdenes de aprehensión que buscan legitimar la violencia y el desplazamiento, aumentando la vulnerabilidad de las familias que tuvieron que huir de sus hogares y que actualmente se encuentran en riesgo su libertad y seguridad.
Las consecuencias de este ataque afectan derechos fundamentales: la integridad y seguridad personal, el derecho a la vivienda y a la tierra, el acceso a la salud —incluyendo la salud sexual y reproductiva de las mujeres— y los derechos de niñas, niños y adolescentes a vivir en condiciones de bienestar y protección. En particular, se subraya el derecho a la no discriminación en el caso de María de Jesús, mujer desplazada y madre de dos hijos y dos hijas en situación de vulnerabilidad que se agrava por la violencia y el desplazamiento.
Los impactos psicosociales son múltiples: ansiedad, miedo, insomnio, estrés, dolores físicos y agravamiento de enfermedades crónicas en adultos y personas mayores. Las infancias presentan pesadillas, decaimiento y afectaciones emocionales; un bebé de dos meses sufre vómito y diarrea, mientras que una mujer embarazada de cuatro meses padece dolores en el vientre.
El Gobierno federal y estatal son responsables de este grave desplazamiento que vulnera los derechos humanos de las familias afectadas. Deben garantizar protección, investigar los actos de violencia y asegurar justicia para quienes habitaron el ejido por más de 30 años.
Exigimos al Estado mexicano la aplicación inmediata de los Principios Rectores de los Desplazamientos Internos de la ONU y, en consecuencia, el cumplimiento de la Ley para la Prevención y Atención del Desplazamiento Interno en Chiapas. En este marco, es urgente garantizar atención integral a mujeres embarazadas, personas adultas mayores, niñas, niños y personas con discapacidad, quienes enfrentan condiciones de extrema vulnerabilidad tras el desplazamiento forzado. Asimismo, demandamos el cese de la criminalización y el retiro de las órdenes de aprehensión emitidas contra integrantes del CNI, así como la liberación inmediata de Francisco Moreno Hernández, actualmente privado de su libertad. Resulta indispensable que se realice una investigación exhaustiva y se sancione a los perpetradores identificados cuya participación directa e indirecta en los hechos constituye graves violaciones a los derechos humanos.
Convocamos a la solidaridad nacional e internacional a manifestarse y expresar su apoyo frente a estos actos represivos que buscan desarticular la resistencia de las comunidades indígenas en defensa de la tierra y la vida. La violencia ejercida contra las familias tseltales del ejido Jotolá es parte de una estrategia sistemática de despojo y represión que vulnera derechos fundamentales y amenaza la dignidad de los pueblos originarios.
Descarga el Boletín No. 2 en PDF(203.95 KB)
Sexual and Reproductive Violence in Palestine: Women as a Strategic Target of Genocide
By Carolina Bracco* – LatFem
Far from being “collateral damage,” sexual and reproductive violence against Palestinian women is part of a long-standing colonial strategy. The genocide in Gaza is part of a demographic logic that seeks to prevent the reproduction of Palestinian life and annihilate not only the present, but also the possibility of a future.
The genocide in Gaza must be understood as the most recent phase of a colonial settlement project that, from its inception, aimed to eliminate the indigenous Palestinian population in order to guarantee Jewish supremacy over the territory. Far from being an exceptional episode, the current violence is part of a continuous Nakba, which began in 1948 and has never been interrupted.
That year, under the auspices of the British Mandate, Zionist militias carried out a systematic ethnic cleansing that forced more than 750,000 people to abandon their homes. More than 80% of the native population was expelled from the territory that would soon be declared the State of Israel. This foundational violence—accompanied by more than 13,000 murders—produced in a few months a radical transformation of the demographic composition: the Jewish population went from representing approximately 30% to 81% of the total. The objective was to replace the existing population, laying the foundations for a colonial order whose eliminationist logic continues to operate to this day.
But unlike other settlement processes, the colonial project did not end: it became normalized. Israel was recognized by the international community without any demands for justice, reparations, or the return of the displaced population.
Despite the mass expulsions of 1948 and 1967—which affected 250,000 people—the immigration of more than one million Jews from the former Soviet Union between 1990 and 2000, and the multiple massacres, the proportion of Palestinian population in the territory between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea never stopped increasing.
In 2000, Jewish settlers and their descendants made up 52% of the total population. By 2010, they represented only 49%. Ten years later, they accounted for just 47%. These figures come from Palestinian academic Joseph Masad , who sees the current genocide as a clear political strategy; the only one that would allow the settlers to maintain their supremacy over the historic Palestinian territory.
Concern about the demographic imbalance has always been present in Israeli rhetoric and policy. As early as the 1970s, then-Prime Minister Golda Meir—the same one who said that Palestinians “did not exist”—stated that she went to sleep worrying about how many Arab children would be born during the night. Four decades later, Justice Minister Ayelen Shaked openly declared that pregnant Palestinian women should be shot because “they give birth to little snakes.”
As reproducers of life and national continuity, Palestinian women have historically been constructed by the colonial regime as demographic threats. Within this framework, sexual, obstetric, physical, and symbolic violence perpetrated against them has been a persistent and structural practice. Its aim is to disrupt the reproduction of Palestinian life and break its continuity over time.
Genocide must be understood precisely in these terms: as the systematic destruction of a people, which is not limited to direct physical elimination, but also operates through blockade, prolonged siege, induced famine, the production of collective trauma, and the annihilation of present and future prospects. In this process, women’s bodies become a central battleground, where reproductive violence functions as a technology aimed at preventing the very survival of the Palestinian people.
“Reprocidio”: to annihilate the present and the future
At the heart of genocide is the elimination of life. And that is why resistance to this attempt at erasure depends not only on immediate survival, but also on the capacity to reproduce life: to conceive, to give birth, to raise children. Today, in Gaza, that is practically impossible. Reproductive violence manifests itself at every level: there are no homes, no privacy, no specialist doctors, no fertility treatments. Rape leaves traumatic scars on bodies that directly affect the ability to conceive. Between 2022 and 2025, miscarriages increased by 300% and the birth rate fell by 41%. And even if a woman manages to conceive, under what conditions will she give birth? Without hospitals, without neonatal care, without anesthesia for cesarean sections. And if she gives birth and the baby survives, cold and famine await: malnourished mothers, without access to breast milk, without formula, without clean water, without basic immunity.
This set of practices is defined by the Gazan academic Hala Shoman as reprocidio : a specific form of colonial violence that aims to dismantle the reproductive structures of a population in order to eliminate it not only in the present, but also in its future potential.
The paradigmatic case was the bombing of the Al Basma fertility center , the largest in Gaza, in December 2023. A missile destroyed more than 4,000 embryos and over 1,000 samples of unfertilized sperm and eggs. Dr. Bahaeldeen Ghalayini, the center’s founder, described the magnitude of the attack with a heartbreaking phrase: “5,000 lives in a single projectile.” This deliberate attack is part of a systematic and sustained policy of reproductive annihilation, which ranges from the destruction of maternal and child health hospitals to the obstruction of safe childbirth, the use of sexual violence in prisons, environmental poisoning, the destruction of homes, and the structural impossibility of raising or breastfeeding children in conditions of minimal dignity.
This is compounded by the total collapse of the healthcare system, the lack of electricity in incubators, the surge in births without anesthesia or supplies, and the exponential increase in emergency cesarean sections and hysterectomies performed to prevent fatal hemorrhaging. In some cases, doctors have had to perform post-mortem cesarean sections to save babies from the wombs of their murdered mothers.
The conditions of childbirth and raising children in makeshift shelters—many surrounded by Israeli tanks or lacking access to water, food, or privacy—have created an environment of structural trauma and hopelessness. Many women express a desire to carry their children back inside their bodies as the only way to protect them.
Meanwhile, attacks against reproduction are not limited to Gaza. In Israeli prisons, accounts of sexual violence and torture with direct impacts on reproductive health are multiplying. These assaults not only seek to harm individual bodies: they aim to humiliate, break, instill terror, and dismantle the intimate fabric of Palestinian life, erasing the possibilities of motherhood, fatherhood, or shared intimacy.
Sexual violence as a colonial technology
Sexual violence is not a recent or marginal phenomenon; it has been central to colonial practices from the very beginning. It has been a systematic policy of both labor and right-wing governments. In the Deir Yassin massacre on April 9, 1948, mass rapes of Palestinian women and girls were reported. According to historian Ilan Pappé, Zionist leaders proudly announced the high number of victims to sow panic. Under those circumstances, fleeing was the only rational option. Since then, thousands of girls and women, as well as men and boys, have been victims of rape, genital torture, forced feminization, and castration as part of a systematic colonial technology of domination.
The Sde Teiman detention center , where more than 4,000 Gazans have been held since October 7, has become a torture center even more brutal than Guantanamo or Abu Ghraib. Allegations of rape and sexual abuse are numerous. Instead of prosecuting the perpetrators, sectors of Israeli society have been seen demonstrating in defense of the accused soldiers .
Gender and sexuality dynamics are fundamental to understanding the structure of Israeli colonialism. Domination operates through the feminization of the enemy: raping a Palestinian woman is to humiliate her community; feminizing the colonized man is to symbolically castrate him; dismembering a body is to turn it into waste.
White, colonial, and Zionist masculinity is imposed not only by force, but also by discourse. In mainstream media and liberal circles in the West, Palestinians are portrayed as barbarians, violent, misogynistic, fanatical, or simply as faceless numbers.
This discursive operation constitutes what Orlando Patterson defined as “social death”: the symbolic dispossession of agency, history, and belonging to the human race. Within this framework, the rape of Palestinian bodies is a tool. And its impunity, a symptom of structural dehumanization.
In practice, this translates into a comprehensive genocidal policy where the deliberate destruction of schools, hospitals, universities, libraries, churches, mosques, and water and energy networks is a systematic strategy to prevent Palestinian social reproduction. What is sought to be destroyed is not only the present, but also the possibility of a collective future. It is a violence that affects bodies, but also knowledge, affections, memory, and ways of life.
Sustaining life under conditions of death
In this context of absolute violence, affirming life becomes an act of insurrection. However, not all families can or wish to reproduce. Many women have publicly expressed their decision to avoid pregnancy during the genocide, given the collapse of the healthcare system and the extreme risk of maternal or infant death. As Hala Shoman wrote on social media in August 2024: “Think carefully before bringing children into the world. Miscarriage rates have tripled. Mothers are bleeding to death. There is no milk, no food, no medicine. This is a plea wrapped in love and fear.” These words encapsulate the ethical and political dilemma faced by those who wish to continue an emotional and family life amidst a regime of extermination.
At the same time, this temporary refusal to reproduce does not contradict the affirmative impulse toward life, but rather forms part of an ethic of care and a politics of protection against extermination. As Shoman points out, resistance does not simply mean having children; it means making the conditions for life possible. And that, in Gaza today, is a radical form of struggle.
Sustaining life under conditions of death means challenging the legal framework that defines genocide solely in terms of death tolls. Destroying the capacity to reproduce, imposing perpetual mourning, closing off possibilities, preventing children from being raised, criminalizing childhood, and isolating desire are forms of annihilation that international law still fails to fully recognize.
The history of Palestinian women is the history of Palestine. It is a story of resilience and resistance, of occupation and exile, but also of continuity and the struggle for the very possibility of existing, of continuing, of living with dignity. It is a struggle not only for liberation, but also against elimination.
Palestinian women, in this context, are not only victims. They are active agents of resistance. Their bodies bear the marks of the extermination project, but also the stubborn will to live. And as long as there is life to be defended, to be reproduced, to be told, there will be a future for Palestine.
*Carolina Bracco, political scientist, PhD in Arab and Hebrew cultures, writer and researcher.
Read also: https://www.elsaltodiario.com/palestina/israel-empleo-municion-carbonizo-3-000-gazaties-dejar-rastro
