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Frayba

Caravan to San Marcos Avilés receives threats from political party supporters who say: “Blood will flow”.

Urgent note: Caravan to San Marcos Avilés receives threats from political party supporters

Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Centre

San Cristobal de Las Casas, Chiapas

April 22, 2013

Urgent Note

Caravan to San Marcos Avilés receives threats from political party supporters who say: “Blood will flow”.

According to information we have received up to now, the political party supporters of San Marcos Avilés have threatened the “Network for Peace in Chiapas Civil Caravan for Human Rights Observation in San Marcos Avilés” with taking away their vehicles; according to information they said: “If you do not hand them over quietly it will be the worse for you, and if blood is going to flow, then blood will flow”.

As a Human Rights Centre we demand the prompt and immediate intervention of the Chiapas government to protect and ensure the integrity of the human rights defenders from the civil caravan.

Finally we ask national and international civil society to keep abreast of the situation.

Background:

Civil Mission in Chiapas in response to threats to EZLN support bases

Hermann Bellinghausen

La Jornada
Sunday April 21, 2013

San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas, April 20

Members of the Network for Peace in Chiapas have reported that this Sunday 21st and Monday 22nd April, they will undertake a civil mission of observation and documentation to the community of San Marcos Avilés, in the municipality of Chilón, “in order to collect  testimonies, following recent threats to forcibly displace the support bases of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), made by the inhabitants of the same ejido who are affiliated to different political parties.”

The 10 civil agencies involved in the action, who have repeatedly expressed their concerns about the Zapatista population of this community, said they also hope to meet with the municipal president of Chilón, Rafael Leonardo Guirao Aguilar, and the government delegate for the area, Nabor Orozco Ferrer.

They also called on human rights defenders, the media and the public “to remain alert as to what might happen in the context of the mission”. At the end of this visit to the Tzeltal families under threat, the observers will present a report.

Threats

They emphasized the importance of the observation and the meetings with officials “in order to halt the escalation of threats and their possible realization, especially considering that 170 Zapatista bases from the ejido San Marcos Avilés have already been displaced, between August and October 2010, and that today they are still living in a precarious situation, remaining displaced from the lands they work, and with their integrity and personal safety under constant threat.”

The Network for Peace in Chiapas, established in 2000, describes itself “a space for reflection and action composed of 10 civil society organizations, which maintains an ongoing analysis of the local and national context, along with specific actions such as statements about matters of gravity or observation missions.” The network is made up of: Fray Pedro Lorenzo de Nada Human Rights Committee (CDHFP), Centre for Indigenous Rights, A.C. (CEDIAC), Services and Consultancy for Peace, A.C. (SERAPAZ), Support Committee for Community Reconciliation and Unity, A.C. (CORECO), Economic and Social Development of Indigenous Mexicans, A.C. (DESMI), Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Centre (Frayba), Education for Peace, A.C. (EDUPAZ), LINK, Communication and Training, A.C. (ENLACE CC), International Service for Peace (SIPAZ), and Chiapas Centre for Women’s Rights, A.C. (CDMCH).

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Radio Zapatista

Truth and Justice, no breadcrumbs from the government: Speech at the demo in Chiapas for Alberto Patishtan´s Freedom

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Patishtan

Call for a mobilization this April 19th demanding the freedom of Alberto Patishtan

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Pueblo Creyente

(Español) Pueblo Creyente: por un caminar en la defensa de la Madre Tierra

Sorry, this entry is only available in Español. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Pueblo Creyente: por un caminar en la defensa de la Madre Tierra.

Venustiano Carranza, Chiapas. A 14 de Abril de 2013.

En punto de las 8:30 de la mañana, del horario de Dios, es decir una hora menos al horario de verano, este domingo 14 de abril, partió la Peregrinación del Pueblo Creyente Zona Sur de la Diócesis de San Cristóbal de las Casas, desde la Clínica ubicada al pie de carretera del municipio de Venustiano Carranza, hacia la Parroquia San Bartolomé Apóstol.

Con alrededor de unas 550 a 600 personas que se fueron sumando a lo largo del trayecto, la peregrinación pacífica contó integrantes de las diferentes colonias y barrios que comprenden dicho municipio como Laja Chachi y Laja Paso, Paraíso del Grijalva, San José La Grandeza, Nicolás Ruiz, Matamotoros, Guadalupe, Flores Magón, Ponciano Arraiga, Belisario Domínguez, El Puy, Montecristo y Miguel Hidalgo, así como con los diferentes barrios de la cabecera municipal, donde también se dieron cita integrantes del la Parroquia de Soyatitán.

Con motivo de dar a conocer el estado deplorable y sufrimiento de los campesinos en Chiapas y toda la nación, la Peregrinación del Pueblo Creyente Zona Sur, estuvo dirigida al pueblo en general y a las autoridades locales, municipales, estatales, así como al gobierno federal y medios de comunicación social para exigir respuesta a las autoridades y pedir el apoyo de los mexicanos para reconocer el trabajo de quienes alimentan al pueblo de México y que a cambio reciben un precio de miseria por sus productos, especialmente del maíz y frijol, que en el mercado se ha mantenido muy bajo, lo cual está ocasionado más hambre y condiciones lamentables de vida para las familias campesinas.

Igualmente se hizo un llamado urgente a las autoridades locales y municipales para frenar y controlar la venta masiva de bebidas alcohólicas que se está apoderando de las fiestas sagradas y populares en manos de cantineros y distribuidores de cerveza en contubernio con algunas autoridades corruptas.

Entre lonas, mantas y pancartas, cantos, coros y consignas, en diversos momentos de la peregrinación se escucharon las denuncias y exigencias de los diferentes grupos de representantes y servidores que participaron, entre los que se encontraban hombres mayores, indígenas, campesinos, mujeres y niños.

En las mantas se alcanzaban a leer diferentes leyendas: “Sin oro podemos vivir, sin agua podemos morir… No a la minería” haciendo alusión al Gobierno como traidor por vender la Patria, al seguir cediendo y no cancelar los cientos de concesiones mineras que existen en Chiapas con empresas extranjeras canadienses que están explotando y/o explorando en diferentes cerros, causando estragos irreversibles en la destrucción de los mismos y dejando fuertes estragos de contaminación como ya se han venido dando, en el caso de Chicomuselo.

“Pozol, maíz, limpio y criollo” se escuchó corear por parte de un grupo de jóvenes ante la exigencia de detener la distribución, venta, siembra y consumo de semillas transgénicas que tienen fuerte presencia en el mercado agrícola y que están dañando la tierra y la salud humana.

En entrevista con algunos participantes, hicieron hincapié en invitar a toda la población en general a defender la tierra y sus recursos que están siendo afectados y amenazados de desaparecer.
Finalmente la peregrinación culminó con una misa de Acción de Gracias y el Rito de la Paz, donde se pidió por la liberación del pueblo de los malos gobiernos, de los intermediarios injustos, la calumnia, la voracidad de los prestamistas, la represión, y sobre todo para no dar la espalda al llamado para seguir en el camino de la tolerancia, respeto y por la dignidad entre seres humanos.

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Alberto Patishtán

More actions demanding Patishtan´s freedom and demo in El Bosque

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A la Opinión Pública
A los medios de comunicación estatal, nacional e internacional
A medios alternativos
A los adherentes a la sexta
A las organizaciones independicntes
A los defensores de derechos humanos ONG’S

Preso político de la voz del amate adherente a la sexta recluido en el penal No. 5, San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas.
Hoy viernes 12 de abril terminó nuestro ayuno de la segunda jornada que tuvo y tendrá un fin de exigir la justicia verdadera como también el día sábado y domingo 13 y 14 del presente nuevamente estaremos protestando nuestras libertades con una marcha silencio dentro del penal.

Por lo tanto sigo exigiendo a las autoridades del 1er tribunal Colegiado del Vigésimo Circuito de Chiapas a que tomen en cuenta mi Reconocimiento de Inocencia y que resuelvan mi caso y sea otorgado mi Libertad Inmediata e Incondicional.
Así también exijo al Gobierno Estatal Manuel Velazco Coello a que otorgue la libertad de todos mis compañeros solidarios, la voz del amate que me acompañen de acción de exigir libertad conjunta, porque de igual manera son acusados falsamente que a través de las torturas y mutilaciones se autoculpara de los delitos, prefabricadas de las mismas autoridades.

Por último invito a la sociedad civil a las organizaciones independientes Estatales, Nacionales, e Internacionales a seguir exigiendo nuestras libertades ante el gobierno porque no es justo que no tienen secuestrados por parte del mal sistema.
¡vivir o morir por la verdad y la justicia!

FRATERNALMENTE
Preso Político de la Voz del Amate
Alberto Pathistan Gómez

Penal No. 5 San Cristobal de Las Casas Chiapas; a 12 de abril del año 2013.

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La Voz del Amate

Enrique Gómez Hernández states that he will be fasting the next 9 days in solidarity with the other prisoners from La Voz del Amate

Sorry, this entry is only available in Español. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

A la Opinión Pública

A los medios de Comunicación Local, Nacional e Internacional

A los medios Alternativos

A los Adherentes de la Otra Campaña

A la sexta Internacional

A las Organizaciones independientes

A las derechos humanos no gubernamentales

A todos ustedes en general, al estado, país y a todo el mundo entero. Hago de su conocimiento a mi petición ya que a partir del día 11 de abril del 2013 realizare un Ayuno durante 9 días, finalizando el día 19 de abril del 2013 en este penal el Amate No. 04 de Cintalapa, Chis solidarizándome con mis compañeros que a continuación expongo sus nombres:

Alberto Patishtán Gómez

Pedro López Jiménez

Juan Collazo Jiménez

Rosario Días Menéndez

Juan Díaz Santiz

Benjamín López Aguilar

Juan López González

Alfredo López Jiménez

Rosa López Díaz

Para que juntos con ellos alzar mi voz pidiendo y exigiendo libertad e igualdad para todos debido a que no hemos sido escuchados durante mucho tiempo. A pesar de que en muchas ocasiones he alzado mi voz en las cuales no he tenido respuesta alguna a mi petición con los Gobiernos anteriores por tal motivo hoy halzo nuevamente para una vez más exigir justicia y libertad.

Y un gran agradecimiento a dios nuestro señor por todos estos años de vida y salud que me ha regalado y bendecido porque mientras haya vida siempre habrá esperanza.

Dios con su gran amor siempre nos llena de bendiciones.

Y haci saber cómo sobre llevar este problema jurídico y poder conducirnos ante tantos atropellos e injusticias.

Así como los altos mandos de gobiernos, quienes se encargan de impartir justicia prometen muchas cosas que en muchas ocasiones no cumplen y hacen caso homiso de sus promesas y de las necesidades de las demás personas. Así como también los encargado de impartir justicia, aplican La Ley a su conveniencia y voluntad sin importarles a Quien o Quienes perjudiquen con sus actos inconscientes y abusivos violentando los derechos humanos y las garantías individuales de los seres humanos.

Espero que el nuevo gobernador: Sr. Manuel Velasco Coello cumola lo que ha prometido o con los compromisos de todos los ciudadanos chiapanecos.

Con justicia siempre unidos pueblo, ciudad, país y el mundo entero para que juntos lograr justicia verdadera e igualdad para todos y cada uno de nosotros. Al presidente de la República y a los 3 niveles de gobierno. Exijo de tomar cartas en el asunto y sociedad, pueblo logremos justicia y asi salir adelante.

Fraternalmente

Enrique Gomez Hernández

Solidario La Voz del Amate

CERSS Num 014 “El Amate” Cintalapa, Chiapas

A 9 de abril del año 2013.

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Somos Viento

We are wind – Resistance in the Istmo against the Wind Farm project of Mareñas Renovables

Sorry, this entry is only available in Español. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.

Este documental muestra el conflicto generado por la intención de la instalación del “Parque eólico San Dionisio del Mar” en el Istmo de Tehuantepec enfocandose en las realidades y opiniones de los habitantes de la región. Dando la palabra a aquellos que no aparacen en los medios masivos. A parte muestra la lógica de los proyectos eolicos en una visión más global explicando brevemente el discurso de la energía verde y el supuesto  “desarollo limpio”.

http://somosvientodocumental.wordpress.com/

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Sign the petition for the Freedom of Political Prisoner Alberto Patishtán

Sign the petition for the Freedom of Political Prisoner Alberto Patishtán

Sign here:

http://www.avaaz.org/es/petition/Preso_Politico_Alberto_Patishtan_pide_apoyo_a_sociedad_civil_1/

Why it matters:

This month a court in Mexico will decide whether the political prisoner Alberto Patishtán is freed or will spend another 48 years in prison.

Patishtán is an indigenous Tzotzil teacher, who was very politically active in his community when he was arrested on June 19, 2000, and unjustly sentenced to 60 years in prison. In prison he has continued to fight for justice, organizing prisoners to demand humane conditions in prisons in Mexico. The Mexican government tried to stop his struggle by sending him to a maximum security prison where he suffered various forms of torture. Thanks to the intervention of civil society, after a year he returned to a prison near his family. He was awarded the jCanan Lum Prize in recognition of his struggle for “social transformation in a peaceful manner”. The people of his community to this day continue to demand Patishtán’s freedom.

Patishtán suffers from a brain tumour as a result of which he is losing his sight. He had an operation six months ago, but there are not adequate conditions for his recovery within the prison.

Patishtán has not given up and keeps fighting. His case reached the Supreme Court in Mexico where one of the judges said publicly that Alberto Patishtán is innocent and should be released immediately. Unfortunately the Supreme Court sent the case to another court which will decide this month whether he can be released. Overall the judicial system in Mexico is discriminatory, Patisthán is indigenous and therefore public support is important.

Alberto is currently fasting in prison; he calls on civil society to speak out for his freedom, so that justice can finally be achieved.

Sign this petition and share it with everyone!

Wording of petition:

Your Honours, you have in your hands the opportunity to give justice to Professor Alberto Patishtán, a man whose fundamental rights to due process and the presumption of innocence have been violated, and who was arrested because of his social struggle. We ask you to grant him his freedom through the recognition of his innocence.

The case of Alberto Patishtán Gómez and the Culpability of the Mexican State: “We are governed by Injustice”

Alberto Patishtán Gómez is a basic education teacher from the indigenous Tzotzil community of El Bosque, in the highland region of the state of Chiapas in South-east Mexico. Known as ‘the Professor’, he has now served nearly thirteen years of a sixty year sentence for, as his supporters say “struggling for social justice among the poor and indigenous”. This article seeks to question the reasons for his conviction for a crime he quite clearly did not commit, and the reasons for the extraordinary reluctance of the Mexican state and legal system to release him despite overwhelming juridical reasons to do so.  

Alberto was detained following an ambush, on 12th June 2000, in which seven police officers were killed, a crime no one, from the state governor to the bishop, believes he committed. He has always had the full support of his community, who know very well he was elsewhere when the attack took place, as many witnesses testify. The true perpetrators of the crime remain unpunished.

As so often with cases of political prisoners, neither Alberto’s obvious innocence, nor the many violations of his human and legal rights, will be enough to secure his liberation, only with pressure from national and international solidarity will he be able to return to his family and community.

His time in prison

The Professor has suffered innumerable violations of his human rights and his rights to judicial guarantees and due process during his time in various prisons. He was arrested without a warrant, denied access to a lawyer or translator, and tortured physically and psychologically, all common practices in the treatment of poor indigenous prisoners. It is this remarkable man’s profound concern for the denial of basic rights to these prisoners that has led to his becoming an organizer for justice and human rights and for better conditions and treatment within the prisons, inspiring the setting up of groups of prisoners who participate in prayers and fasts, implement semi-permanent sit-ins, hold large annual events for their anniversaries and write powerful letters, all of this as adherents to the Zapatistas’ Sixth Declaration of the Lacandón Jungle. Alberto has organized, acted as spokesperson for, and participated in several hunger strikes, leading to the release of hundreds of indigenous prisoners. As a result he is greatly respected and has become the best-known, and the most iconic, political prisoner in Mexico.

Despite his almost universally acknowledged innocence and there being no credible evidence against him, despite having nearly lost his sight due to an unidentified brain tumour after years of being denied proper medical treatment while in prison, and despite having thousands of national and international supporters calling for his release, it seemed Patishtán had now exhausted all avenues of legal appeal when the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation refused to consider a motion for the Presumption of Innocence in his favour, in March 2013. But the appeal has been delegated to a local court, and those working for his release have launched another campaign. This may be the last chance.

Innocence does not Count

Just one week after it refused to hear the motion for the recognition of Patishtán’s innocence, which asked for his release on account of a profusion of violations of due process, the first hall of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Mexican Nation decreed the immediate liberation of Marcos Arias Pérez, accused and convicted of participating in the Acteal Massacre, in which 47 Catholic pacifists praying for peace were brutally slain on December 22, 1997. The reason given for his release was due process violations. “Impunity spreads like a bad weed in our country”, declared the Civil Society Las Abejas, victims of the massacre. “What we are seeing now in Mexico confirms what we have always said: the bodies for the procurement and administration of justice in Mexico are serving not justice, but the interests of the powerful.”

“Justice is upside down, since those who have committed a crime, like those sentenced for the Acteal case, are released, and the government keeps those who, like myself, are innocent, imprisoned”, said the Professor. “It seems that you have to kill to get out of prison”.

The reaction to both of the Court’s decisions was one of outrage. Arias Pérez is only the most recent of a large number of the paramilitary perpetrators of the Acteal Massacre to have been released. Their guilt is not in doubt; the reason for their release is failings in the legal process. On the other hand, Patishtán remains incarcerated, even though, as his lawyer Leonel Rivero Rodríguez points out about his case, “there is no controversy, no sector is opposed to his release or doubts his innocence”.

Who really committed the crime?

We are now in a time when killings and mutilations fill the news in Mexico. It was not so in 2000, and the events of the morning of June 12, in Las Lagunas de Las Limas, Simojovel, shocked the nation and grabbed the headlines. It appeared that a truck carrying eight police officers and a driver had been ambushed at a sharp bend on the road from Simojovel to El Bosque. It was said that a commando force of between ten and fifteen individuals, carrying high velocity firearms, had constructed trenches and barricades along the roadway in order to carry out the ambush. A great many shots were fired – 85 bullets from AK-47 and R-15 rifles were counted – and seven police were killed. One officer, and the driver, survived, both seriously wounded. It was in the period of the run-up to the elections, and tensions were already high.

The day following the ambush, the Clandestine Indigenous Revolutionary Committee, General Command of the EZLN declared in a communiqué: “According to information, the attack was carried out using the tactics of drug traffickers, paramilitaries or the military….The attack took place in an area saturated with government troops (Army and police), where it would have been very difficult to mobilize an armed group without being detected and without the complicity of the authorities. The attacking group had inside information about movements and the number of people ambushed. This information could only be obtained by people from the government or close to it……Everything points to those who carried out the attack being from the government (or under governmental auspices), since this would give them a pretext for increasing the militarization of Chiapas, and for justifying an attack on Zapatista communities or the EZLN. It is noteworthy that this act reinforces the climate of instability, with which the official candidate threatens [the state] if he doesn’t win”.

Nevertheless, on June 19th, in the El Bosque municipal headquarters, the Army and the PFP detained the teacher Alberto Patishtán Gómez, without showing an arrest warrant. He was held for one month without charge. No one explained how one man, without experience of firearms, was supposed to have conducted this attack on his own. On July 10th, two Zapatista support bases were also arrested, but they were subsequently released; Alberto alone was to be punished for the ambush. In March 2002, he was finally given the maximum sentence, one of sixty years in prison.

Situation in El Bosque

When Patishtán was arrested, “nobody believed it”, say his friends in El Bosque. People went into the streets, and occupied the City Hall. They knew that he was teaching at the time of the ambush, many witnesses had seen him, so they knew he could not have done it. There was great concern in El Bosque at this time about the corruption and the abuses being committed by the mayor and the local authorities. As a well-educated and respected member of the community, and an actively practicing Catholic, the Professor had helped to document these abuses and to write a letter denouncing them.

By a remarkable coincidence, the main witness to identify Alberto as having been involved in the ambush was Rosemberg Gómez Pérez,the son of that same mayor, who happened to have been the driver in the convoy, and who said he recognized Patishtán’s voice. Rosemberg is said to have later admitted, when drunk, to have fabricated the charge in return for a pickup truck from his father, Manuel Gómez Ruiz. The mayor, according to Patishtán’s fellow-teacher Martín Ramírez López, quoted in Mexican newspaper La Jornada, “was at the point of falling, the protection of the Deputy was no longer enough; nor was that of the Albores Guillén government…. So the massacre saved him, and even more so did the apprehension of his principal critic and denouncer….The danger was Patishtán, not the opposition movement; once he was a prisoner, the protest collapsed.”

Why does Patishtán remain a prisoner despite his obvious innocence?

“Since at least 2007, a question has been making the rounds among lawyers, bishops, human rights activists and observers of the legal process of Alberto Patishtán Gómez: if the evidence is so overwhelming that he was not involved in the ambush, then why is he still in prison, sentenced to 60 years? If more blatant cases resulted in the freedom of criminals who were caught in the act or who even confessed, when confronted by the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN), what walls prevent the Professor from going free? Who benefits from his imprisonment? Who would be affected by his acquittal?”

This is the question asked by an article in La Jornada on March 24th, 2013, which highlights “the ‘special interest’ of the current Secretary of Government in Chiapas, Noé Castañón León, in the case”.  “Noé Castañón León….presided over the Supreme Tribunal of Justice of  the State (STJE) during the capture, processing and final imprisonment of Patishtán….. Having been at the head of the Chiapas tribunals both before and after the acts, Patishtán’s lawyers question whether any conflict of interest is implied by his current position of being responsible for the internal policies of the state, especially as the review of the case will soon be decided by a collegiate tribunal in Tuxtla Gutiérrez.”

“What is prohibiting Patishtán’s release?” writes the Chiapas Support Committee from California in its recent newsletter, “speculation is mounting that influential politicians in Chiapas may be to blame”.

Amnesty International calls for a “fair and exemplary decision”

On 20th March 2013, Amnesty International wrote to the magistrates of the First Appellate Court of the Twentieth Circuit in Tutla Gutiérrez, Chiapas, who are due to

soon make the final decision on Patishtán’s case, calling for “justice without discrimination”.

“After thoroughly reviewing the case of Patishtán, Amnesty International has concluded that there were serious flaws in the process, including irregularities and inconsistencies in the testimony of the witness who identified Alberto Patishtán as responsible for the crimes. This testimony was taken into account, while evidence indicating that Patishtán was elsewhere during the ambush was discarded.

“The organization also believes that Alberto Patishtán did not have access to an adequate defence…. Amnesty International has documented several times how the justice system in Mexico fails to ensure fairness and equality of process, especially when the accused is an indigenous person with scanty economic and social resources.”

Take action

The Court has been asked to make a decision before the end of April.  In March, Alberto’s supporters launched a new campaign “Fighting for Patishtán’s Freedom, let’s celebrate his birthday, 19th April – 4,686 days in prison”. They called for 4,686 letters to be written in his support, to the local court in Chiapas, to the Mexican President, and to Embassies and Consulates throughout the world. They also called for actions on Facebook and Twitter.  Protests are taking place in his support in many countries in the lead up to his birthday, 19th April.

17th April is International Political Prisoners Day, when we remember and call for the release of political prisoners everywhere. Along with Bradley Manning, Mumia Abu-Jamal and numerous others, Alberto Patishtán Gómez has been unjustly imprisoned for his belief in true justice and in a fairer world for all. As he said in a telephone interview from prison last week, “We must all join the calls for truth and justice because justice is essential to build a new Mexico where there is room for everyone”.

For further information: http://www.albertopatishtan.blogspot.mx/

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Albasud/ Radio Itinerante

Tourism in Chiapas: A stretegy to break resistency, a conversation with Hermann Bellinghausen

Karolina Caicedo Flórez | Itinerant Radio / Alba South

Tourism in Chiapas has become part of the strategy of big business and the government to break the resistance of the Zapatista communities in rebellion, and facilitate their dispossession from their territories.

Hermann Bellinghausen was born in 1953 in Mexico City. He studied medicine, but currently works as a journalist and writer. He is a correspondent in Chiapas for the newspaper La Jornada, where he writes about the Zapatista struggle and the aggressions suffered by these communities, and about political prisoners and megaprojects in the State. He is also director of the monthly supplement Ojarasca, which covers literature, art and indigenous struggles. He has directed films like ‘Corazón del tiempo’, about the Zapatista struggle. One of his most outstanding pieces of journalism was his reporting on the Acteal massacre. From his deep knowledge of the Chiapas reality, we spoke about the increasing development of tourism in the State and its various implications.

Karolina Caicedo Flórez: What have been the most common strategies of the Mexican government for developing tourist projects in Chiapas?

Hermann Bellinghausen: The first problem for the state, when they want to develop tourist projects, or any type of abusive use of space, is the dispossession of the lands. All the major resorts of Mexico started with dispossession. This is how Huatulco was made. And here it is the same. Chiapas has become popular as a tourist attraction because it has the most striking natural areas in Mexico; it is a place where water is plentiful, full of incredible rivers, landscapes, waterfalls, and great natural wealth. It is on these places where government pressure focuses to develop tourist projects. Furthermore, in the case of  Chiapas, the tourism hook is guaranteed because there is an attractive indigenous culture, there are handicrafts, countryside …. But in Chiapas [tourism] is the spearhead for something else, the real goal in Chiapas is not tourism, but the alienation of territory.

The problem is that these projects have met with the obstacle of the autonomous communities, in total resistance, or simply with organized communities. These have prevented the construction of the road to Palenque, an ambitious highway project which runs through all the traditional territory of the Tzeltal people.

Today the government of Chiapas has a deliberate policy of fostering tourism because it is a source of foreign currency earnings, but I think that this has a limit, there is a finite size for tourism. But if the result is that people lose control of their land, and this meansmaking way for mining, for hydroelectric schemes, for highways, now that is nothing to do with tourism.

Tourist projects are sold as being financially attractive for the inhabitants of these places, and they are told that they will have a job, they will receive income, but what we know is that they become employees or servants of tourism. They go from being the masters of their land to being bartenders, waiters, or slaves; once the owners of the area but now just employees in a place that once was theirs.

Figure 1 Palenque, photo by Javier Hidalgo

Of course the government carries out projects which apparently benefit people, cooperatives are created such as Agua Azul for example, or Las Guacamayas in the Lacandón Jungle, where it has been possible to have the luxury of making an indigenous group the beneficiaries. They do not even need an outside company, if the interest is greater than that, it can allow for a privileged group to become the beneficiaries of the business directly.

The most obvious case is that of Agua Azul. They have a cooperative, an ecotourist ejido, which is a very rare phenomenon, I don’t know of another. In Agua Azul the population has benefited greatly, they are wealthy, and doing well. But they are counterinsurgents, because they are surrounded by the conflict taking place in Chiapas, and they are the allies of the government against the other communities. We see it in the case of San Sebastián Bachajón, Bolom Ajaw, and other communities around the waterfalls, who are all Zapatistas. There are others which are not spoken of: San Miguel Agua Azul, and Nuevo Progreso, who are Zapatistas and who are also on the river. There the fight has been to strip the Zapatista communities of their land, and, in order to do this, to make use of the groups that are benefiting from tourism projects, who are receiving government programmes and are having visits from tourists, charging them, and receiving foreign currency.

What are the models of tourism development which have driven the Chiapas government?

They have established spa resorts in different parts of the jungle, such as Las Nubes, but they are subsidized; even Las Guacamayas, which seems to be the most successful, relies on the support of the government. Las Guacamayas is a very attractive hotel in a wonderful  spot across from the Montes Azules, next to the River Lacantún. It is like a hotel with walkways, all made of wood, like those used for adventure tourism in other parts of the continent, but subsidized by the government. Whenever television personalities visit, they take them to these places. And of course Agua Azul, because it is on the road between Palenque and San Cristobal, which is already a tourist route, and so has guarded against any claim of the indigenous peoples to exploit Agua Azul.

Now, in the Agua Azul area, a large river basin, what they want to do is to build hydroelectric schemes and dams. The Agua Azul river is just one, but there is also the Turijá river, the Bascal river, all these rivers are in the basin of the Grijalva river. And there is also the Usumacinta river basin, which is in the jungle. They have also spoken of building hydro schemes there, but these have not yet happened, which is why I think the most threatened sites are the ones near Agua Azul and Palenque, because there they have progressed with the highway and construction projects.

Coca Cola is very keen to have the water, as they were under previous governments, especially the government of Fox which was the government of Coca Cola, of which he was the director. They have great interest in the river basin. There is a lot of water in Huixtán and Coca Cola has concessions on it. Another case is Huitepec, the hill of water; Coca Cola is at the foot of Huitepec. So it happens that water is the tourist attraction, but that is only the hook for the real plans.

Chiapas is not Cancun, Chiapas is not Huatulco. Here, tourism is collateral to the real projects: mining, bio-prospecting, dams and energy. Tourism is, I repeat, the spearhead used to get hold of what really interests them, which is the natural resources, and tourism is the way to displace communities or deceive them. You offer them a tourism project, build them little cabins, create a mirage of prosperity, and what happens is they lose control of their lands.

Figure 2 Agua Azul waterfall, Karolina Caicedo Florez

Could you mention some of the impacts of tourism in Chiapas?

The impact of tourism in any traditional location is that it brings very different people, especially Europeans and Americans, to traditional areas as if they were anywhere in the world. There are then effects on the culture, and on the traditions of consumption, which have a direct impact on the indigenous population of Chiapas, which predominates in the ​​Highlands and Jungle area. A third of the state is indigenous, and it is most attractive to tourists because of its natural resources and because of the items sold by the indigenous.

San Cristóbal de las Casas is a city that has the problem that people come because there are Indians; people in San Cristóbal hate the Indians, but the tourists come to see the Indians, not the coletos. What do they sell? Crafts from Chamula or San Andrés, pictures of Indians, and visitors go to Chamula market to have the experience of an Indian village. If there were no Indians nobody would come to San Cristóbal, well, it would be a colonial town, but what gives it life is that it is truly indigenous, like Ecuador or Peru.

But I’m not sure if the cultural impact of tourism in Chiapas is so very negative, because there is a different social process here from that in other parts of the country. The Zapatista movement has been in contact with foreigners, who in another context would be tourists. Yes, Italians, French, Argentines, Basques come, but it is more about commitment, more militant, so people are more used to dealing with foreigners. San Cristóbal was also always a place for gringo anthropologists, for ethnic tourism, for taking good photos, so here they are accustomed to foreigners, and are less likely to be corrupted by them.

The tourism that comes here is not one of great economic power; in fact it is the misfortune of the coletos, who wanted rich gringos to come, that those who come are mainly backpackers, who are not grand tourism. A few years ago, when they started having inns and hostels in San Cristóbal, the hoteliers were furious because they said it was unfair competition, because they pay less tax, charge less, and because of the way tourism is here, they stopped going to the hotels which were not needed.

San Cristóbal also has much Mexican tourism, especially in the holiday seasons, because on the one hand Chiapas became fashionable, with the Zapatistas, and the soap operas, and secondly, because it is quieter than the rest of country. Nowadays it is risking your life to go to Acapulco, while in contrast you can come to San Cristóbal with your family, and it is attractive. And why is this happening in Chiapas? There are several explanations, but one is fundamental: there is the resistance of the indigenous Zapatistas, who control an area of territory, and that territory is safe: no migrants are passing through, drugs are not circulating, there is none of that illegality which has invaded the country, and there are no armed groups. There are paramilitaries, but what they want is to overthrow the Zapatistas; there is none of what is happening in the rest of the country.

Now the governments, especially all the recent and the current ones, have invented ecotourism, which is a means to justify entering the jungle and the reserves, with the idea that they will protect them. But they have endangered places like Lake Miramar, on the edge of the Montes Azules reserve, the only one of the large lakes in the jungle which is accessible, the others are inside. In principle it is a reserve, with no roads, no nothing, but Miramar can be reached by land or by air. Then they want to set up a tourist project that could do real damage, with roads, hotels, restaurants…..

Figure 3 Laguna Miramar, Karolina Caicedo Florez

What is attractive is that it is a truly virgin place, and people do not know virgin places, so they pay to go, and that is business. They come from Norway or London to see virgin territory, which is the appeal. But this makes those places no longer virgin. So, the great threat of tourism in Chiapas on the one hand is the appropriation of territory, and on the other hand is what follows after tourism.

For example, in Chiapas there are over fifty mining concessions, but they are halted. Much of the state already has concessions in the hands of mining companies who want everything, not just gold and silver, but also coltan (columbite–tantalite) and other minerals. But it so happened that they killed a leader, Mariano Abarca, and that caused a shock. And the government, wanting to look good, established a moratorium (delayed the mining projects). But when the concessions were given, they were given for a period, and I think that the miners were in no hurry for some reason, they could wait. But now I think that an offensive is underway for those concessions (from Canada, Korea, the US, including Mexico). They are going to apply pressure, and they will meet with resistance because Chiapas is a state where there is a lot of resistance: against the electricity tariffs, against Plan Puebla Panama ….. as well as the autonomous Zapatista resistance.

So returning to the idea of ​​tourism, in many places this it is the way to break the resistance. If they develop tourism projects people will lower their guard, and they will be able to advance. If what they want is to build a dam they will have to displace people, or at least take away their power over their territory. I believe that this is the great danger of tourism, especially ecotourism, because to develop subsequent projects, first they have to get rid of the population, who are not only the rightful owners, but are also the guardians of the land.

Could you give some concrete examples so we can understand why the development of tourism in Chiapas is also a counterinsurgency strategy?

Counterinsurgency aims to defeat the Zapatistas, but also to undermine their prestige. Some years ago the people realized that the Zapatistas have achieved things, so that what they want is to avoid contagion, to prevent people from discovering that they can have a good education system, or that they can have a good clinic, without government money. For example, the Zapatista healthcare system is the cheapest in Mexico, it is effective because it has the idea of ​​prevention, which is the logical idea of ​​medicine, what happens is that institutional and commercial medicine is dominated by pharmaceutical companies, which have to sell their merchandise. So prevention is no use to them: it is very cheap but does not sell their drugs. The Zapatista communities have developed clinics, and the result is that the women are boiling the water, are being monitored when they are pregnant, are vaccinating the children….. what is called preventive medicine. So what counterinsurgency seeks is to prevent people from getting infected, discovering that they can do things differently, to prevent this, to make things costly. So, if they are not very committed to the struggle, they  easily fall victim to anything else.

So I think the goal is to prevent people gaining control over their lives, and their government, and tourism is very attractive because it seems harmless, it puts them apparently in a party situation and what tourism is going to do is to encourage people to leave the countryside, that’s the other goal, to stop being campesinos and to become waiters, because capitalism wants there to be no more campesinos, so it all goes together; you cannot isolate things.

What are the tourist projects that threaten the Zapatista communities? Where does the money come from? What kind of projects are they?

Agua Azul has been a spa for fifty years. The project has been becoming increasingly successful and the community of Agua Azul is very prosperous; now they are no longer campesinos, because they are living from tourism: they are waiters, cooks, entertainers, drivers, tourism agents, which is not bad in itself, all work is worthwhile. But it has irradiated everything surrounding it, which also has tourist value, because it is not the only place which has waterfalls, but the other places are in the hands of campesinos who are not interested in handing them over to tourism, and most of them are Zapatistas or are in resistance.

Agua Clara is a different case, it is a more advanced spa. Agua Clara was a spa before, it was abandoned by the owner and the government established some tourism projects there, with their usual disdain. They did not attach much importance to the projects and put them in the hands of the PRI, the ruling party, and left them to it. Then the Zapatistas, who were also in that place, decided to recuperate the resort because it had been abandoned, and now it is the first Zapatista spa. Not that the Zapatistas have invested in tourism, what they are doing is taking care of the place, they are conducting true ecological tourism, without capitalist investment. The Zapatistas who are there are a bulwark against the privatization of the place.

Figure 4Tourists in San Cristobal de las Casas

What is the position of the Zapatistas as regards these tourist projects? Do they have the same position on all types of tourism or do they have different positions depending on the method of tourism?

They have not talked about it explicitly, but one can see the examples we have been speaking about. Agua Clara is an area of land which is no use for anything else, it is a very wide river bend, with flat areas, so they decided that it would be suitable for tourists. So you can say that there is a minimum of work for tourism, but that the result is the protection of the place; this is how ecotourism sells itself, but in this Zapatista case it is true. But neither do the Zapatistas have a theory or policy for tourism. That is, within a few kilometres there is a place where they oppose tourism and another place where they practice it.

Elsewhere, at the Misol Há waterfall, different groups converge, among them Zapatistas, and there has been an unusual agreement: the Zapatistas and non-Zapatistas have agreed to have a toll booth. But these are very specific cases. Tourism is not a Zapatista issue, either for or against, unless it threatens territories, when they are against it, as for example, in Montes Azules.

The Zapatistas resistance is not against tourism, neither for this nor against that, their resistance is in defence of territory. And the concept of tourism is not a Zapatista one, because it implies a capitalist mentality. Some might say, well, that those who go to the caracoles are tourists, especially Oventik, many arrive like tourists in Oventik, they take a taxi in San Cristobal, go to Oventik and say, I want to know about the Zapatistas, in the same way as they say I want to know about the pyramids, but it is the only place where this happens. There it is possible to talk about a degree of Zapatista tourism, and it is OK, because tourists can have a real experience, if they want to see an autonomous school, a good government junta, there it is, and here they are invited to buy crafts and leave currency. But that is not to say that it is a tourist attraction, but rather that there are people who want to know about it and if it means a minimal outlay of currency it is not wrong, if they want to buy crafts, amber …

So, considering these statements you’ve made, do you think that the now often-used category, “zapaturismo”, is contradictory?

Well, that is a joke, and it isn’t new. A few years ago they created the “Zapatour”, which consisted of people coming for revolutionary sightseeing. But that was not invented in Mexico either, there has always been revolutionary tourism, people coming to have revolutionary experiences. But in the case of the Zapatistas it is less now, because the communities have closed a lot. This experience had an especial value, because while there was movement of foreigners the army could not attack. The presence of gringos, even if they were idiots, was a shield, so it was not encouraging tourism, but visitors were welcome because while there were groups of foreigners present, it was difficult for the army to attack.

Now it does not seem possible, but ten years ago there was an emergency every day in the Zapatista communities, so much happened. So to have a family or a group of French people there, they were a shield. In fact many foreign people came as a shield, and maybe they were sunbathing in the jungle, but they were giving protection, so it made sense, and the Zapatistas never thought of it as tourism.

Do you think that modest ecological tourism projects promoted by the communities themselves, as in the case of Lake Miramar, can be an alternative to the mega resorts that are being implemented in Chiapas?

I am not sure that what is happening at Miramar is that innocent, it relies on outsiders. I find it hard to know what can be done in Chiapas, because there is an insurgency, but I can speak of other communities, in other parts of Latin America, such as Ecuador, where communities which have already achieved sovereignty over their territory, and are maintaining their way of life and their ways of farming and forestry, can have tourist projects under their own control. Even the little planes that take tourists from the city to the tourist attraction, are theirs. And there are even luxury tourist resorts, I do not like them, but they are in the hands of communities. I have not seen this in Mexico, but as there are projects which are aimed at making them submit, not freeing them, I distrust the arrival of tourist projects.

Jan de Vos, the historian of the Lacandón Jungle, in one of his last essays speaks very favourably of tourism, which he believed to be a way to stop the destruction of the rainforest. But I believe that he was wrong, and this is where I differ with him, in his optimism about the role of the state, because he believes that the state can be the agent to enable this to happen, and I think that there is always dispossession behind their actions. There is a current of opinion in favour of beneficial tourism but I, in the context of Chiapas, do not see  much future in it, not beyond what there currently is, I do not believe that communities need to develop tourism projects, if people want to go to see the river they can go and see it, but it is not necessary to build a hotel, and the hotel’s economic profit is not comparable with the cost of maintenance, and as they have to leave their rural work, it means it is not a business for them, it is a business for others.

The government is willing to subsidize such projects in order to weaken the community, and of course, it promotes an image, but not a business. Las Guacamayas is not a business, it’s a nice project, successful, but only because it is subsidized and cheap, nor is it that expensive to subsidize a hotel in the jungle and pay the indigenous, but what it achieves is that people stop being what they were.

To finish, do you think that the dynamics and impact of tourism in Chiapas have been given sufficient importance, or do you think it has been something marginal?

Not enough, because there is much conformity in what outsiders see of Chiapas. Other than from the areas of resistance, there is no critical view from here, whether environmental, or political. Criticism has not been sufficient and it has not been clear. The Zapatistas did not rise up in arms against tourism, but against the system, against the state, against capitalism, and if tourism is a collateral symptom of capitalism, it is one which could have other non-capitalist options. But the problem is not tourism, the problem is land ownership, sovereignty and self-determination.

If tourism is operated within the self-determination of peoples, after they have already obtained their sovereignty, well and good, but it is not the path to self-sufficiency or anything else, which is the government fallacy that says “set up your tourist project and things will be better for you”; no, first let them free themselves, and then they can have have tourist projects or whatever they want, but once they are free and deciding for themselves what is done with the land where they live. On the contrary, tourism prevents this from happening, because it changes the vocation of the space and the people; the river now will no longer be for fishing but for white people to swim in, and the work of the people who live in the territory will not be to sow corn but to serve beer; when this happens the counterinsurgency advances. I say again, here there is counterinsurgency because there is insurgency.

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Actions for #LibertadPatishtan, freedom for Alberto Patishtan

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Estos próximos 15 días se estarán realizando diversas actividades tanto en Chiapas como en otras partes del país y del mundo, como parte de la campaña nacional e internacional por la libertad de Alberto Patishtán y de todos los presos políticos

– el miércoles 10 de abril el movimiento de El Bosque por la Libertad de Alberto Patishtán organizará un Marcha en la cabecera municipal de El Bosque. La cita es a las 10 am (hora de Dios o de resistencia) en el domo municipal.

– el jueves 11 abril se llevará a cabo una marcha/peregrinación a la ciudad de Tuxtla, para entregar firmas en apoyo a la libertad de Patishtán, tanto a la  secretaría de gobierno como al Primer Tribunal Colegiado del Vigésimo Circuito. Posteriormente se llevará a cabo una conferencia de prensa a las 10am en el Palacio de Justicia.

Las firmas que se están recaudando, se juntarán el 9 de abril, Puedes enviarlas a la dirección de correo presoschiapas@gmail.com o si gustas de manera física al Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, calle Brasil No. 14 Barrio de Mexicanos, San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, México, C.P. 29240.

– El domingo 14 de abril el centro educativo casa Gandhi organiza una Kermese de 14 a 21 hrs a favor de la libertad de Alberto patishtán. Se contará con música, comida, proyección de videos, entre otras cosas. La cita es en Casa Gandhi en el barrio de los alcanfores a un lado de la casacrita

– el lunes 15 abr se llevará a cabo un evento político cultural de lucha por la libertad de los presos políticos en la plaza de la resistencia en San Cristóbal. La cita es en la cruz de la catedral a partir de las 16:00hrs

– para el miércoles 17 de abril, como parte de la  movilización por el día internacional de los presos políticos, se proyectarán videos sobre la prisión política en méxico y el mundo en el restaurant-Bar Qué Barbaras en la calle Adelina flores #5 en el centro de San Cristóbal

– el viernes 19 abril  El Pueblo Creyente del Equipo Tsotsil de la Diócesis de San Cristóbal, con el Movimiento del Pueblo de El Bosque, convoca a una Peregrinación que se realizará en Tuxtla Gutiérrez, para exigir la libertad de Alberto Patishtán. El punto de encuentro es a las 9 de la mañana en la diana cazadora