{"id":1775,"date":"2011-03-02T21:14:35","date_gmt":"2011-03-03T03:14:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/?p=1775"},"modified":"2011-06-02T13:53:06","modified_gmt":"2011-06-02T18:53:06","slug":"ano-2011-en-chiapas-los-gobiernos-federal-y-estatal-planean-%e2%80%9cdespejar%e2%80%9d-el-camino-de-comunidades-en-resistencia-a-megaobras","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/?p=1775","title":{"rendered":"A\u00f1o 2011 en Chiapas: los gobiernos federal y estatal planean \u201cdespejar\u201d el camino de comunidades en resistencia a megaobras2011 in Chiapas: Federal and State Governments Plan to Clear Community Resistance to Mega-projects"},"content":{"rendered":"

por Miguel Pickard
\n<\/em><\/p>\n

Los grandes proyectos del gobierno federal de M\u00e9xico y del estatal de Chiapas, impulsados en el marco del Proyecto Mesoam\u00e9rica<\/a> (nuevo nombre del anterior PPP o Plan Puebla Panam\u00e1), siguen avanzando \u2014velozmente cuando no existe oposici\u00f3n organizada y sigilosamente cuando la hay. Las dos megaobras de mayor relevancia en la actualidad en Chiapas son, por un lado, el llamado Programa de Ciudades Rurales Sustentables<\/a> (CRS) y, por otro, la construcci\u00f3n de grandes proyectos de infraestructura previstos para hacer de Chiapas el \u201csegundo Canc\u00fan\u201d para el turismo y, adem\u00e1s, hacer del estado un participante importante en el lucrativo mercado de \u201cbonos de carbono\u201d.<\/p>\n

En cuanto a las CRS, en breve se inaugurar\u00e1 la segunda Ciudad Rural en Chiapas, en el municipio de Santiago el Pinar, con la presencia del presidente Calder\u00f3n, el gobernador Sabines y sus respectivos s\u00e9quitos. La megaobra multimillonaria de Ciudades Rurales Sustentables puede caracterizarse como una \u201cguerra fr\u00eda\u201d del gobernador Sabines contra la vida milenaria del campesinado y de los pueblos ind\u00edgenas, un proyecto genocida por el inter\u00e9s que encierra de despejar el campo de campesinos e ind\u00edgenas, y destruir su forma de vida y de producci\u00f3n arraigada en la tierra que habitan.<\/p>\n

Concentradas en Ciudades Rurales, las familias campesinas e ind\u00edgenas, algunas de ellas conminadas a vender o entregar sus tierras, entrar\u00e1n de golpe en una econom\u00eda plenamente capitalista, donde todas las necesidades, en especial sus alimentos b\u00e1sicos, ahora tendr\u00e1n que ser adquiridas. Por tanto ser\u00e1n rehenes del magro salario que algunas \u2014pocas\u2014 personas recibir\u00e1n por su trabajo en los proyectos productivos y\/o en las maquiladoras que se instalar\u00e1n en tierras adyacentes a las Ciudades Rurales. La p\u00e9rdida de la autonom\u00eda de los pueblos ind\u00edgenas habr\u00e1 comenzado y con el tiempo ser\u00e1 total. (Escucha el reportaje de Radio Zapatista<\/a>.)<\/p>\n

Otro proyecto de primera importancia en Chiapas es la autopista de cuota de 175 km que enlazar\u00eda los \u201cpolos\u201d tur\u00edsticos de San Crist\u00f3bal de Las Casas y Palenque,\u00a0 ya de por s\u00ed imanes para visitantes nacionales e internacionales. Esta autopista es la espina dorsal de un proyecto tur\u00edstico integral (disfrazado de turismo ecol\u00f3gico), que pretende convertir a Chiapas, en palabras del gobierno de Sabines, \u201cen el segundo Canc\u00fan\u201d.<\/p>\n

Al firmar el Acuerdo Nacional de Turismo<\/a> con empresarios del ramo tur\u00edstico el 28 de febrero pasado, Calder\u00f3n se comprometi\u00f3 a hacer de M\u00e9xico el quinto destino tur\u00edstico a nivel mundial para 2018. El Acuerdo, seg\u00fan Calder\u00f3n, busca \u201caumentar la conectividad\u201d del pa\u00eds por mar, tierra y aire, as\u00ed como facilitar el turismo al agilizar \u201cla llegada, el tr\u00e1nsito y la salida\u201d del turista por las rutas principales. Todo ello implica \u201cacelerar el paso… (de la) construcci\u00f3n de… puertos y carreteras\u201d. El a\u00f1o 2011 qued\u00f3 declarado el \u201cA\u00f1o del Turismo\u201d.<\/p>\n

En 2009, la construcci\u00f3n de la autopista entre San Crist\u00f3bal y Palenque<\/a> se detuvo por la oposici\u00f3n de varios grupos de ejidatarios ind\u00edgenas en resistencia contra el despojo y la destrucci\u00f3n de sus tierras que el proyecto implicaba. La resistencia de los ejidatarios, participantes de La Otra Campa\u00f1a, se ha centrado en la comunidad de Mitzit\u00f3n, a 15 km de San Crist\u00f3bal, y en el ejido de San Sebasti\u00e1n Bachaj\u00f3n, en el municipio de Chil\u00f3n, a 70 km de Palenque.<\/p>\n

\"\"Estos lugares tienen una importancia especial para la construcci\u00f3n de la autopista. Mitzit\u00f3n ser\u00eda el \u201cKil\u00f3metro Cero\u201d, el punto de partida de la autopista, mientras que el ejido de San Sebasti\u00e1n Bachaj\u00f3n es vecino de los sitios tur\u00edsticos de Agua Azul y Bolom Ajaw. El gobierno federal difundi\u00f3 en 2009 un trazado de la carretera que indica que la autopista pasar\u00e1 por las tierras ejidales de Bachaj\u00f3n y las tierras recuperadas de Bolom Ajaw.<\/p>\n

Por la oposici\u00f3n organizada que se moviliz\u00f3 contra esta carretera de cuota, los gobiernos federal y estatal optaron a partir de 2009 por avanzar en distintos frentes. Por el lado federal, el mejoramiento de la carretera de acceso a la autopista (es decir, el tramo de 15 km de San Crist\u00f3bal a Mitzit\u00f3n) avanza a paso acelerado con el ensanchamiento de carriles y la edificaci\u00f3n de grandes puentes que permitir\u00e1n un flujo vehicular en constante aumento. Las obras han cuidado en especial a unos vecinos importantes de ese tramo, pues la amplia cinta asf\u00e1ltica y los vistosos pasos a desnivel facilitar\u00e1n la entrada y salida de tropas y tanquetas de la base militar de Rancho Nuevo.<\/p>\n

Mientras el gobierno federal aplana carreteras, el gobierno estatal ha asumido la tarea de \u201caplanar\u201d a la oposici\u00f3n<\/a> ante el pr\u00f3ximo avance de la autopista. El hostigamiento a Mitzit\u00f3n y Bachaj\u00f3n ha sido una constante desde hace varios a\u00f1os pero los conflictos han arreciado en las \u00faltimas semanas. En Mitzit\u00f3n, los problemas subieron de tono ante la presencia de j\u00f3venes evang\u00e9licos armados, el llamado Ej\u00e9rcito de Dios<\/a>, cuerpo de choque de la iglesia evang\u00e9lica Alas de \u00c1guila, en estrecha vinculaci\u00f3n con el gobierno estatal. Estos paramilitares han realizado ataques contra el grupo mayoritario de cat\u00f3licos, participantes en La Otra Campa\u00f1a, que se opone al paso de la autopista por sus tierras y a la consiguiente destrucci\u00f3n de bosques, mantos acu\u00edferos y tierras de sembrad\u00edo.<\/p>\n

Asimismo, en Bachaj\u00f3n, el gobierno estatal ha recurrido a la t\u00e1ctica que tanto ha sufrido este ejido de encarcelar arbitrariamente a un n\u00famero importante de habitantes, obligando a la comunidad a ocupar tiempo y recursos en movilizaciones para su liberaci\u00f3n.\u00a0 El 3 de febrero pasado, 117 ejidatarios, participantes de La Otra Campa\u00f1a, fueron detenidos, acusados de la muerte de un pri\u00edsta por arma de fuego, sucedido en una refriega el d\u00eda anterior. Sin embargo, s\u00f3lo los atacantes pri\u00edstas portaban armas de fuego en el enfrentamiento. De los 117 detenidos, 10 permanecen en el reclusorio de Playas de Catazaj\u00e1. El enfrentamiento ocurri\u00f3 cuando un grupo pri\u00edsta se apoder\u00f3 violentamente de la caseta de cobro y de acceso a Agua Azul, en manos de ejidatarios participantes de La Otra Campa\u00f1a, pues \u00e9stos hab\u00edan cometido un acto intolerable: empezar a construir una palapa-comedor y un centro ecotur\u00edstico que, a diferencia de las megaobras planeadas por el gobierno, estar\u00edan en manos de los habitantes locales. En el enfrentamiento qued\u00f3 destruida la caseta de cobro y los pri\u00edstas robaron los materiales de construcci\u00f3n, incluyendo carretillas, toneladas de cemento y herramientas.<\/p>\n

Como dijo un ejidatario de Bachaj\u00f3n (escucha la entrevista completa<\/a>):<\/p>\n

El gobierno lo que est\u00e1 haciendo ahorita es encarcelar a los que dirigen el movimiento. Como organizaci\u00f3n somos el peor enemigo del gobierno, [\u2026] porque no le conviene que estemos defendiendo lo que realmente nos pertenece [\u2026] estamos convencidos de que el gobierno est\u00e1 buscando una estrategia muy violenta [para] apoderarse de nuestro centro ecotur\u00edstico.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Una suerte similar de represi\u00f3n y encarcelamiento han sufrido personas en otras partes de Chiapas que se han manifestado en solidaridad con Bachaj\u00f3n y Mitzit\u00f3n. Es el caso de la represi\u00f3n sufrida el 17 de febrero por personas en una jornada de desobediencia civil pac\u00edfica mediante el bloqueo intermitente de la carretera costera a la altura de Pijijiapan. Despu\u00e9s de levantado el bloqueo, la polic\u00eda estatal detuvo a 19 personas del Consejo Regional Aut\u00f3nomo de la Costa, librando horas despu\u00e9s a 16, pero consignando a los abogados del Centro de Derechos Humanos \u201cDigna Ochoa\u201d, acusados de \u201cmot\u00edn\u201d y de ser los instigadores de la jornada de protesta. Los abogados hab\u00edan acudido al bloqueo como observadores para registrar eventuales violaciones de los derechos humanos por parte de las autoridades.<\/p>\n

Cuando en el pasado reciente entre analistas se ha tratado de construir una \u201cl\u00f3gica\u201d detr\u00e1s de la violencia estatal, se antojaba pensar que el punto de inflexi\u00f3n para desatar la represi\u00f3n ten\u00eda que ver con actos de desobediencia civil. Para el gobierno son intolerables actos cometidos por ciudadanos de a pie que infrinjan leyes establecidas, aun en leg\u00edtima defensa de sus derechos colectivos, civiles o humanos. Sin invalidar lo anterior, hoy es evidente que existe para el gobierno estatal otro punto de inflexi\u00f3n, pues tiene como tarea someter a grupos contrarios cuando su oposici\u00f3n \u201centorpece\u201d el avance de los proyectos de inversi\u00f3n privada o mixta. Usando la zanahoria o bien el garrote, el objetivo es el desgaste, la claudicaci\u00f3n y la rendici\u00f3n de grupos opositores. Cuando fallan las mesas de di\u00e1logo o las mesas de negociaci\u00f3n,\u00a0 est\u00e1 la represi\u00f3n mediante el encarcelamiento, el hostigamiento, el amedrentamiento por la fuerza polic\u00edaca militarizada o grupos de tipo paramilitar como el Ej\u00e9rcito de Dios.<\/p>\n

Esta es la \u201cl\u00f3gica\u201d o la estrategia detr\u00e1s del notorio auge de la represi\u00f3n contra grupos de La Otra Campa\u00f1a en las \u00faltimas semanas en Chiapas. Se trata de desgastar a grupos contrarios a las megaobras del Proyecto Mesoam\u00e9rica, a grupos que no s\u00f3lo est\u00e1n en resistencia contra la consigna neoliberal de privatizar o mercantilizar todo, sino que proponen alternativas y, concretamente en el caso de las comunidades zapatistas, o de las personas participantes en La Otra Campa\u00f1a de Mitzit\u00f3n y Bachaj\u00f3n, ponen en marcha y hacen realidad esas alternativas.<\/p>\n

Calder\u00f3n y Sabines tienen ahora menos de dos a\u00f1os para lograr avances significativos en las megaobras que han propuesto para Chiapas. Lo que estamos viendo con el auge de la represi\u00f3n es el inicio de una campa\u00f1a que se intensificar\u00e1 en este \u201cA\u00f1o del Turismo\u201d para poder allanar el camino para el avance de las obras que convertir\u00edan a Chiapas en un atractivo \u201cCanc\u00fan verde\u201d. Detr\u00e1s de los planes se mueven grandes caudales de dinero, grandes intereses e incluso grandes convenios, como el recientemente firmado entre Chiapas y el estado de California<\/a> para establecer en Chiapas extensas zonas verdes para el mercado de bonos de carbono. De ello poco o nada sabe la poblaci\u00f3n de Chiapas.<\/p>\n

M\u00e1s informaci\u00f3n:<\/strong><\/p>\n

Integraci\u00f3n para el despojo: el Proyecto Mesoam\u00e9rica, o la nueva escalada de apropiaci\u00f3n del territorio<\/a> (Ciepac)<\/p>\n

Ciudades Rurales en Chiapas: Despojo gubernamental contra el campesinado<\/a> (Ciepac)<\/p>\n

Reportaje especial sobre las Ciudades Rurales Sustentables<\/a> (RZ)<\/p>\n

La autopista San Crist\u00f3bal-Palenque, la espina dorsal del CIPP: Sigilo y destrucci\u00f3n violenta<\/a> (Ciepac)<\/p>\n

Represi\u00f3n en Chiapas: Reportaje con testimonios de Bachaj\u00f3n, Mitzit\u00f3n y la Costa de Chiapas<\/a> (RZ)<\/p>\n

Palabras de Nataniel Hern\u00e1ndez, director del Centro de Derechos Humanos Digna Ochoa, desde el penal del Amate<\/a> (Radio Pozol)<\/p>\n

Reporte Frayba: Sobre el conflicto en San Sebasti\u00e1n Bachaj\u00f3n<\/a> (Frayba)<\/p>\n

Bloqueo por presos pol\u00edticos de Mitzit\u00f3n y agresiones a Molino de los Arcos<\/a> (RZ)<\/p>\n

Reportaje sobre la comunidad de Mitzit\u00f3n<\/a> (RZ – 06\/2010)<\/p>\n

Ataque paramilitar a la comunidad de Mitzit\u00f3n<\/a> (RZ – 03\/2010)<\/p>\n

Violencia y resistencia en Mitzit\u00f3n, Chiapas<\/a> (RZ – 08\/2009)<\/p>\n

Presos pol\u00edticos de Bachaj\u00f3n<\/a> (RZ – 05\/2009)<\/p>\n

Movilizaciones por los presos de Bachaj\u00f3n<\/a> (RZ – 05\/2009)<\/p>\n

REDD: Nombres para el despojo<\/a> (Silvia Ribeiro, La Jornada<\/em>, 21 May 2011)by Miguel Pickard<\/em><\/p>\n

The development of large infrastructure projects by Mexico\u2019s federal government and the Chiapas state government continues to advance — rapidly where no organized opposition exists and stealthily where it does. These projects are part of the Meso-America Project<\/a> (formerly known as the PPP or Plan Puebla Panama).[1]<\/a> Currently the two most important mega-projects in Chiapas are (1) the Sustainable Rural Cities<\/a> Project[2]<\/a> (SRC) and (2) the large infrastructure projects designed to turn Chiapas into a \u201csecond Canc\u00fan\u201d for tourism and, at the same time, an important participant in the lucrative carbon-credit trading market.<\/p>\n

The second Sustainable Rural City in Chiapas will soon be launched in Santiago el Pinar[3]<\/a> before a gala audience including President Calder\u00f3n, Governor Sabines, and their respective entourages. The multi-million-dollar Sustainable Rural Cities Program could be described as a genocidal \u201ccold war\u201d led by Governor Sabines against the thousand-year-old rural and indigenous cultures, given its intent to clear the countryside of rural peoples, many of them indigenous, and destroy their way of life and means of production rooted in the land that many have held for centuries.<\/p>\n

Claiming to have found \u201cthe reason behind poverty\u201d in the \u201cdispersion\u201d of rural peoples in small and relatively isolated villages, the Chiapas state government has pressured rural and indigenous people to sell or turn over their land in order to relocate and concentrate them in newly built Rural Cities,. This social-engineering project was conceived mainly to benefit large corporations, which will profit from the \u201cfreed up\u201d land. Rural families will find themselves living on tiny plots on street after street of identical houses, in a scene reminiscent of suburban sprawl in the United States. In this setting, they will be uprooted from their traditional lifestyles based on forms of production that are ecologically sound, and thrust into a capitalist economy, where they will have to meet all of their needs, including the acquisition of basic foods, through purchase in the market. They will be hostage to the meager salaries that some — a few — will receive in exchange for their labor in agricultural projects or in maquiladoras that are being built on land near the Rural Cities. The indigenous peoples\u2019 loss of autonomy will have begun and, over time, it will be total. (Listen to the Special Report by Radio Zapatista<\/a>.)<\/p>\n

Another key project in Chiapas is the construction of a new 173 km [109 mile] toll road that will link the tourist sites of San Crist\u00f3bal de Las Casas and Palenque, current magnets for domestic and international visitors. The toll road is the backbone of a comprehensive tourism project (disguised as ecological tourism) that, in the words of Governor Sabines, will make Chiapas \u201cthe second Canc\u00fan.\u201d<\/p>\n

Upon signing the National Tourism Agreement<\/a> on February 28, 2011with entrepreneurs from the tourism industry, Calder\u00f3n committed Mexico to becoming the world\u2019s fifth largest tourism destination by 2018. According to Calder\u00f3n, the agreement will \u201cincrease [Mexico\u2019s] connectivity\u201d by land, sea and air to facilitate tourists\u2019 \u201carrival, travel and departure\u201d along the main sightseeing routes. This implies \u201cspeeding up…construction of…ports and highways.\u201d Fittingly, 2011 was declared the \u201cYear of Tourism.\u201d[4]<\/a><\/p>\n

In 2009, the construction of the toll road between San Crist\u00f3bal and Palenque<\/a> was stopped by mobilized groups of indigenous peoples resisting the plunder and destruction of their lands that would inevitably result from the project. Resistance by the traditional landholders and members of the Zapatista-inspired \u201cThe Other Campaign\u201d has been centered in the communities of Mitzit\u00f3n, some 15 km [10 miles] from San Crist\u00f3bal, and in San Sebasti\u00e1n Bachaj\u00f3n, municipality of Chil\u00f3n, some 70 km [43.5 miles] from Palenque.<\/p>\n

\"\"Sites of special importance to the construction of the toll road<\/a> are Mitzit\u00f3n, which has been designated \u201cKilometer Zero,\u201d or the starting point for the toll road, and San Sebasti\u00e1n Bachaj\u00f3n, which abuts the tourism sites of Agua Azul and Bolom Ajaw.[5]<\/a> In 2009, the federal government disseminated plans showing that the route of the toll road would run through traditional landholdings in Bachaj\u00f3n and Zapatista landholdings in Bolom Ajaw.<\/p>\n

Given the mobilizations by organized opposition groups to the toll road, the federal and state governments, starting in 2009, decided to push forward on other fronts. Federal authorities have moved rapidly to improve the access highway to the toll road \u2013 that is, the 15 km stretch of land between San Crist\u00f3bal and Mitzit\u00f3n \u2013 by adding and widening lanes and building bridges designed to handle continually increasing volumes of traffic. This work is also particularly valuable to important neighbors of the road, since the wide stretch of asphalt and sturdy overpasses will improve mobility for troops and tanks from the nearby Rancho Nuevo military base.<\/p>\n

While the federal government levels the roadway, the state government has taken on the task of \u201cleveling\u201d the organized groups<\/a> opposing the incursion of the road. The harassment of opposition groups in Mitzit\u00f3n and Bachaj\u00f3n has been constant for the last several years, but conflicts have intensified in the last few weeks. In Mitzit\u00f3n, this was the result of the presence of armed young evangelicals, the so-called Army of God (Ej\u00e9rcito de Dios)<\/a>, the shock troops of the Eagle\u2019s Wings (Alas de Aguila) evangelical church, which reputedly has close ties to the state government. These paramilitaries have frequently attacked the majority Catholic group in Mitzit\u00f3n, mostly members of The Other Campaign, who have opposed the construction of toll road on their lands, with the consequent destruction of forests, aquifers and farm land.<\/p>\n

In Bachaj\u00f3n, the state government has reverted to the old tactic of wearing down the community through the arbitrary mass arrests of residents, forcing it to divert time, energy and resources into mobilizing for their release. On February 3, 2011, 117 Bachaj\u00f3n landholders, participants in The Other Campaign, were arrested and arraigned on charges of killing a PRI party member in a skirmish the previous day, even though only the PRI forces carried firearms. Most of the 117 were released shortly thereafter, but 10 people remain in Playas de Catazaj\u00e1 prison.[6]<\/a> The confrontation occurred after a PRI group violently took possession of a toll booth at the entrance to the Agua Azul recreation area that was in the hands of members of The Other Campaign, because the latter had committed an intolerable act: they had begun building an ecotourism center to be run not by the government but by the local inhabitants. In the skirmish, PRI partisans destroyed the toll booth and stole building materials, including wheelbarrows, several tons of cement and assorted tools. <\/p>\n

As one Bachaj\u00f3n landholder said (hear the complete interview<\/a>):<\/p>\n

What the government is doing now is jailing those who lead the movement. As an organization we are the government\u2019s worst enemy [\u2026] because it doesn\u2019t want us to defend what is rightfully ours [\u2026] we know the government wants [to use] violent means to seize our ecotourism center.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

People in other parts of Chiapas who have demonstrated their solidarity with the groups in Bachaj\u00f3n and Mitzit\u00f3n have suffered similar fates of repression and detention. This was the case on February 17, when people were arrested for taking part in an act of civil disobedience by intermittently blocking the Pacific Coast highway near the town of Pijijiapan. After the blockade was lifted, the state police detained 19 people of the Coast Regional Autonomous Council (also part of The Other Campaign). Sixteen were freed after a few hours, but lawyers from the Digna Ochoa Human Rights Center<\/a> were arraigned on charges of \u201crioting\u201d and inciting violence. The lawyers say that they came to the blockade merely as observers to record possible human rights violations by authorities.<\/p>\n

In trying to discern the \u201clogic\u201d of state violence, analysts have noted that acts of civil disobedience seem to be a tipping point for repression. For the government, protest actions by common citizens who break laws in order to defend collective, civil and human rights are intolerable. While this remains the case, it is now evident that the state government will also resort to repression against organized groups when their protests slow down the advance of public or public\/private infrastructure projects. Whether it uses a carrot or a stick, the objective is the same: to wear down and defeat opposition groups. When dialogue or negotiations fail, the government can always use the militarized police or paramilitary groups such as \u201cGod\u2019s Army\u201d to repress opposition through incarcerations, harassment, or intimidation.<\/p>\n

This is the \u201clogic\u201d or strategy behind the marked increase in recent weeks in repression against members of The Other Campaign in Chiapas. This repression is calculated to wear out groups resisting the Meso-American Project\u2019s mega-infrastructure works, not only because they oppose the neoliberal privatization and commodification of everything, but also because they propose alternative, non-capitalist forms of government, education, health, and employment. This is especially the case in the Zapatista and other communities, such as Mitzit\u00f3n or Bachaj\u00f3n, linked to The Other Campaign, which are actually working to make these alternatives reality.<\/p>\n

Calder\u00f3n and Sabines have less than two years left in their terms to achieve significant advances in the mega-projects slated for Chiapas. The increase in repression signals the start of a campaign, in this \u201cYear of Tourism,\u201d to clear away any opposition to making Chiapas a \u201cgreen Canc\u00fan\u201d \u2013 that is, a paradise for investors and the site of a massive resettlement experiment designed to disposses rural peoples of their land. Behind plans such as the Meso-America Project lie billions of dollars, powerful interests, and major agreements, such as the one signed recently between Chiapas and California<\/a> to establish extensive \u201cgreen zones\u201d in Chiapas for the carbon credits market.[7]<\/a> The people of Chiapas know little or nothing about these plans.<\/p>\n

Translation from Spanish by the author, who gratefully thanks Carol Pryor for her editorial assistance.<\/em><\/p>\n

\n

Notes:<\/h3>\n

[1]<\/a> For more information on the Meso-America Project, see http:\/\/www.ciepac.org\/boletines\/chiapas_en.php?id=583<\/a><\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> For more informaton on the Rural Citites Program, see http:\/\/www.ciepac.org\/boletines\/chiapas_en.php?id=571<\/a><\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> The SRC of Santiago el Pinar was launched in late March 2011 after this article was originally drafted in Spanish. The first SRC is Nuevo Juan de Grijalva [translator\u2019s note].<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> http:\/\/www.laht.com\/article.asp?ArticleId=388346&CategoryId=14091<\/a>;<\/p>\n

http:\/\/www.caribbeannewsdigital.com\/noticia\/mexico-firman-acuerdo-nacional-de-turismo-con-la-meta-de-estar-entre-los-primeros-cinco-dest<\/a><\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> http:\/\/www.ciepac.org\/boletines\/chiapas_en.php?id=578<\/a><\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> [Five people remain in prison as of this translation into English in late May 2011. (Translator\u2019s note)]<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> For more information on the carbon credits market in Chiapas, see http:\/\/www.ciepac.org\/boletines\/chiapas_en.php?id=587<\/a><\/p>\n

REDD: Nombres para el despojo (La Jornada, 21 May 2011)<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Lo que estamos viendo con el auge de la represi\u00f3n es el inicio de una campa\u00f1a que se intensificar\u00e1 en este \u201cA\u00f1o del Turismo\u201d para poder allanar el camino para el avance de las obras que convertir\u00edan a Chiapas en un atractivo \u201cCanc\u00fan verde\u201d. Detr\u00e1s de los planes se mueven grandes caudales de dinero, grandes intereses e incluso grandes convenios, como el recientemente para establecer en Chiapas extensas zonas verdes para el mercado de bonos de carbono. De ello poco o nada sabe la poblaci\u00f3n de Chiapas. En este art\u00edculo, hacemos un an\u00e1lisis del trasfondo del dram\u00e1tico aumento en la represi\u00f3n y la violencia estatal en Chiapas este febrero de 2011.What we see with the dramatic increase in repression is the beginning of a campaign that will intensify this “Year of Tourism” in order to open the way for public works that will turn the state of Chiapas into an attractive “Green Canc\u00fan.” Behind these plans are large sums of money, large interests, and even large agreements, such as the recent one to establish large green zones in Chiapas for the carbon credit market. About this, the population of Chiapas knows little or nothing. In this article, we analyze the background of the dramatic increase in state repression and violence in Chiapas as of February 2011.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[183],"tags":[61,917,22,23,24,87],"class_list":["post-1775","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-blog","tag-bachajon","tag-chiapas","tag-mitziton","tag-paramilitares","tag-proyecto-mesoamerica","tag-represion"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1775","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=1775"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1775\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=1775"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=1775"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/radiozapatista.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=1775"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}